Document zoZdk8D8GKovNzD8ne2Q685ka

278 CHAPTER 7 "indefatigable self-destructiveness" of enlightenment;73 such pes simism ignores the diversity of ends for which science can be prac ticed, not to mention the power of scientia to act in opposition, in resistance, in restoration. What I do believe, though, is that we need to better understand how the routine practice of science can so easily coexist with the routine exercise of cruelty. The history of Nazi cancer suggests that not everything the Nazis did can be regarded as stifling public health, and in some instances Nazi policies actually promoted it-- at least for a time, and for certain segments of the population. The exclusive focus on the more horrific aspects of Nazi scientific prac tice makes it easy to relegate the events of this era to the monstrous or otherworldly, but there is more to the story than "medicine gone mad." The Nazi campaign against tobacco and the "wholegrain bread operation" are, in some sense, as fascist as the yellow stars and the death camps. Appreciating these complexities may open our eyes to new kinds of continuities binding the past to the present; it may also allow us better to see how fascism triumphed in the first place. NOTES <> v Prologue 1. Joseph Goebbels, Die Tagebiicher von Joseph Goebbels: Siimtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Frohlich, pt. 1, vol. 4, Aufzeichnungen 1924-1941 (Munich: K. G. Saur, 1987), pp. 710-11. 2. William E. Seidelman, "Animal Experiments in Nazi Germany," Lancet 1 (1986): 1214. 3. Herbert Mehrtens, "Irresponsible Purity: The Political and Moral Struc ture of Mathematical Sciences in the National Socialist State," in Science, Tech nology and National Socialism, ed. Monika Renneberg and Mark Walker (Cam bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 324-38. 4. Billy F. Price, Adolf Hitler: The Unknown Artist (Houston: Billy F. Price, 1984). 5. Omer Bartov, "An Idiot's Tale: Memories and Histories of the Holo caust," Journal of Modern History 67 (1995): 55-82.1 would not challenge Dan iel J. Goldhagen's claim that antisemitism was central to the Holocaust (what else?), but I would challenge his dismissal of other antecedents--the bureau cratization of the killing process, for example, and the linkage of Jews with other "lives unworthy of living"; see his Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Knopf, 1996). 6. Such arguments are becoming fashionable: see, for example, William A. Rusher, "The Health Fascists Are Blowing Smoke," Kerrville Daily Times, Janu ary 4,1996. Chapter 1 Hueper's Secret 1. Hueper gave as a reference his brother, Heinz, a Nazi party functionary (Ortsgruppenleiter) in Bochum who had joined the NSDAP in the fall of 1932. Hueper's brother was an early member of the Nazi Teachers' League (no. 21,327) and listed his religion on the NSDAP party form as "nat.-soz." See Heinz Hueper's party file in the Bundesarchiv Berlin (BDC) and W. C. Hueper to Bernhard Rust, Geheimes Staatsarchiv, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, BerlinDahlem, Rep. 76 Va Sekt.l Tit. IV, no. 5, vol. 27, p. 19. Robert Rossle, director of Berlin's Pathologisches Institut, evaluated Hueper's letter (which also con tained a list of publications and a two-page biography), noting that since "pa thology in America was not the same as in Germany," it was difficult to say