Document p2vMNrEa29Opg7z6n8qvG269w

298 NOTES TO PAGES 63-68 artificial fertilizer was being used on agricultural lands. Himmler also wanted to examine the blood of persons confined to concentration camps, to see whether a blood test could be developed that would signal cancer's early onset (ibid.). 24. Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer, Erbpathologie, Eirt Lehrbuch fiir Azte und Medizinstudierende (Munich: Lehmann, 1937), pp. 86,103,159, 182, 137. 25. Karl Heinrich Bauer, "Fortschritte der experimentellen Krebsforschung," Archiv fur klinische Chirurgie 189 (1937): 123-84; compare also his "Krebs und Vererbung," p. 479. The Berlin pathologist Robert Rossle con cluded that cancer was only rarely heritable, though Wolfgang Denk in Vienna in 1939 argued from twin and genealogical evidence that heredity must ac count for "a minimum of 20 percent" of all cancers; see his "Zur Frage der Erblichkeit des Carcinoms," Zeitschrift fur Krebsforschung 49 (1939): 241. 26. Bauer, "Krebs und Vererbung," pp. 475-79. 27. Arthur Hintze, "Kultur und Krebs," Jahreskursefur drztliche Fortbildung 7 (1939): 67-71. Hintze was named head of radiology at the Rudolf Virchow Hospital's newly created Allgemeines Institut gegen die Geschwulstkrankheiten in 1935. He was aware that lifestyle factors could impact occupational cancers--the custom of daily bathing, for example, to which he attributed the low Japanese incidence of occupational cancers caused by oil, tar, or soot; he was also aware that anecdotal impressions of cancer incidence could be mis leading if a certain class of people--Muslim women, for example--would not allow themselves to be examined by Western physicians. 28. Ibid., p. 73. 29. Verschuer, Leitfaden, pp. 159-61. 30. Martin Staemmler and Edeltraut Bieneck, "Statistische Untersuchungen fiber die Todesursachen der deutschen und jfidischen Bevolkerung von Breslau," Munchener medizitiische Wochertschrift 87 (1940): 447-50. The British Medical Journal pointed out that Staemmler and Bieneck had failed to discuss the role of state violence in producing these statistics; see "German Medicine, Race, and Religion," British Medical Journal, August 17,1940, p. 230. 31. Hintze, "Kultur und Krebs," pp. 75-76. 32. A review of Konstitutionslehre can be found in Gerhard Koch, Die Gesellschaftfur Ksmstitutionsforschung: Anfang und Etude 1942-1965 (Erlangen: Palm und Enke, 1985). 33. Hans Weselmann, "Uber die Nicotingastritis," Die Genussgifte.36 (1940): 23. 34. Robert Hofstatter, Die rauchende Frau: Eine klinische, psychologische und soziale Studie (Vienna: Holder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1924), p. 71. 35. Friedrich Voltz, "Pigmentbildung und Strahlenbehandlung," Radiologische Rundschau 1 (1933): 96. 36. Friedrich Voltz, "Biologische Probleme in der Rontgenstrahlentherapie," Strahlentherapie 47 (1933): 137-43. 37. Robert Ritter, "Rothaarigkeit als rassenhygienisches Problem," Volk und Rasse 10 (1935): 385-90. 38. Hien, Chemische Industrie, p. 219. NOTES TO PAGES 68-71 299 39. George Reid, "Weltanschauung, Haltung, Genussgifte," Die Genussgifte 35 (1939): 66-67. 40. Klamer, Vom Rauchen, pp. 18-19. The body-type categorization men tioned here traces back to the psychiatrist Ernst Kretschmer. 41. "Erkennung und Bekampfung der Tabakgefahren," Deutsches Arzteblatt 71 (1941): 185. 42. Kleine, Emahrungsschdden als Krankheitsursachen, pp. 62-63. 43. The official commentary on the law specified that sufferers from retino blastoma should be sterilized; see Arthur Gfitt, Ernst Rfidin, and Falk Ruttke, Kommentar zum Gesetz zur Verhutung Erbkranken Nachwuchses (Munich: Leh mann, 1934). 44. August Wagenmann, ed., Bericht uber die einundfiinfzigste Zusammenkunft der Deutschen Ophthalmologischen Gesellschaft in Heidelberg 1936 (Munich: Bergmann, 1936), pp. 91-102; compare also Karl A. Reiser's critique of Clausen's views in "Bemerkungen zur Erblichkeitsfrage beim Glioma retinae," Klinische Monatsblatterfur Augenheilkunde 99 (1937): 350-55. 45. Fischer-Wasels, "Die Bedeutung der besonderen Allgemeindisposition," p. 26; compare Kurt Blome's similar views in "Krebsforschung und Krebsbe- kampfung," Ziel und Weg 10 (1940): 412. 46. Fischer-Wasels, "Bekampfung der Krebskrankheit," pp. 92-95. The gy necologist Wilhelm Lahm prior even to 1933 argued that marital counselors should use cancer registry data to counter the pairing of persons genetically predisposed to cancer; see his "Die arztliche Fortbildung auf dem Gebiet der Krebsbekampfung," Strahlentherapie 37 (1930): 397-401; also the similar views expressed in W. Helmreich, "Erblichkeit, Rassenhygiene und Bevolkerungspolitik," Munchener medizinische Wochenschrift 83 (1936): 484. 47. Hien, Chemische Industrie, pp. 219 and 271-304. 48. Gunther Lehmann, "Die Bedeutung des Staubbindungsvermogens der Nase ffir die Entstehung der Lungensilicose," Arbeitsphysiologie 8 (1934): 21850; also his "Untersuchungen an Staubmasken," Arbeitsphysiologie 9 (1936): 182-205. Rostoski, Saupe, and Schmorl in 1926 had urged Schneeberg's miners to breathe through their noses to lower their risk of developing lung cancer (by trapping carcinogenic particulates); the authors had also advised workers "not to be shy" about having their nasal passages surgically enlarged to enable bet ter nasal ventilation ("Die Bergkrankheit," p. 375). 49. Lehmann's efforts were part of an attempted "Losung des Staubproblems"; see Otto Schulz, "Gesundheitliche Schaden durch gewerblichen Staub," Die Gasmaske 11 (1939): 57-66. 50. Hans Waniek, "Die Verhfitung der Staublungenkrankheiten, insbeson- dere der Silikose," Klinische Wochenschrift 23 (1944): 288-89. 51. H. Hamperl, U. Henschke, and R. Schulze, "Vergleich der Hautreak- tionen beim Bestrahlungserythem und bei der direkten Pigmentierung," Ar chivfur pathologische Anatomie und Physiologie 304 (1939): 21. 52. Hueper, Occupational Tumors, p. 765. 53. Wilhelm C. Hueper, "Causal and Preventive Aspects of Environmental Cancer," Minnesota Medicine, January 1956, pp. 10-11.