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290 NOTES TO PAGES 43-46 Health Office put on a play entitled Zu spat (Too late) featuring cancer preven tion propaganda; see Fritze and Morchutt, "Abschrift," July 13, 1937, E 1496, THW. 24. "Mitteilungen des Deutschen Reichsausschusses," pp. 524-25; and espe cially the "Niederschrift fiber die Mitgliederversammlung des Reichsaus schusses ffir Krebsbekampfung am l.Dezember 1933," E 1498, THW, which contains a long discussion of preparations for the law. Hans Reiter of the Reich Health Office was the main advocate of a Cancer Law; the Hamburg radiolo gist Hermann Holthusen championed the view that the law should regulate radiation to protect "das Keimgut des ganzen Volkes" (ibid., p. 4). German gynecologists unanimously endorsed a nationwide Krebsgesetz ("Lex Lonne") at their annual meeting in Munich in 1933, the stress being on a campaign to encourage early detection. See Friedrich Lonne, "Wirksame Krebsbekamp fung," in Neuere Ergebtiisse aufdem Gebiete der Krebskrankheiten, ed. Curt Adam and Hans Auler (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1937), p. 205. Berlin medical and insurance authorities in 1933 had sought to implement a comprehensive cancer Meldepflicht for the city (mandatory registration), but it is not clear how far this was put into practice; see the Vertrauensarzt 1 (1933): 48. 25. "Verordnung zur Bekampfung bosartiger Geschwulstkrankheiten," Monatsschrift fur Krebsbekampfung 7 (1939): 202-4. 26. Friedrich Kortenhaus, "Krebs," in Deutsches Gold: Gesundes Leben-- Frohes Schaffen, ed. Hans Reiter and Johannes Breger (Munich: Carl Rohrig, 1942), p. 440. Hans Fuchs was the guiding light of Danzig's Cancer Law. 27. Denmark's cancer registry is discussed in Johannes Clemmesen, Statisti cal Studies in the Aetiology ofMalignant Neoplasms, vol. 1 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1965), pp. 35-59; for the earlier history of registries, see Carl H. Lasch, "Krebskrankenstatistik: Beginn und Aussicht," Zeitschriftfur Krebsforschung 50 (1940): 245-98. 28. "Berichte," Offentlicher Gesundheitsdienst 7 (1941): 333. 29. Meyer, "Schicksal," p. 178. The Verordnung zum Reichsbfirgergesetz of July 7,1938, barred Jews from the practice of medicine effective September 30, 1938; see the Reichsgesetzblatt 1 (1938): 969. 30. On computers and the Holocaust, see David Luebke and Sybil Milton, "Locating the Victim: An Overview of Census Taking, Tabulation Technology, and Persecution in Nazi Germany," IEEE Annals of the History of Computing 16 (1994): 25-39. 31. A good example is Angela von Elling and Michael Wunder, eds., Krebsregister: Erfassung als Politik (Hamburg: Konkret Literatur, 1986); compare also Hien's critique of industry registries in his Chemische Industrie, pp. 250-52. 32. Joseph Goebbels, The Goebbels Diaries: 1942-1943, ed. Louis P. Lochner (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1948), p. 93. 33. Goebbels's diary entry for March 11,1942, records the propaganda min ister's taking "energetic measures to stop the discussion about the 'Yellow Peril'" (ibid., pp. 120-21). 34. Joseph Wulf, Aus dem Lexikon der Morder: "Sonderbehandlung" und verwandte Worte in nationalsozialistischen Dokumenten (Gfitersloh: S. Mohn, 1963). 35. On homosexuals, see Goebbels, Diaries, p. 102. On June 15, 1941, the NOTES TO PAGES 46-47 291 propaganda minister labeled the.Auswartiges Amt "ein Staat im Staate. Oder besser noch: ein wachsendes Krebsgeschwfir"; see his Tagebiicher, p. 692. On June 22,1941, Goebbels characterized communism as a "Krebsgeschwfir" that "muss ausgebrannt werden" (tumor that must be burned out--see ibid., p. 710). 36. American Eugenics Society, A Eugenics Catechism (New Haven: The Soci ety, 1935). 37. Richard Doll, personal communication, August 3, 1997. SS Oberftihrer Holfelder was killed in combat near Budapest on December 14,1944; it would be interesting to know if his slides have been preserved in Frankfurt Univer sity's archives. 38. "The idea of the social parasite, as exemplified in the Jew amongst our people, can also be seen, symbolically, in the human body in many cases. The alien germ living in the body whose prosperity depends upon a conflict with a particular organ, a disharmony in the body, a disease--is this not the same role played by the Jew in the body of the people?" See Wolfgang E. Kitzing, Erziehung zur Gesundheit (Berlin: Reichsgesundheitsverlag, 1941), p. 41. 39. Examples of the Nazi medical bureaucracy's implementation of "clear and simple speech" and its campaign against foreign words ("Fremdworter sind Fremdkorper") can be found in Ernst Schliack, Die Amtssprache (Berlin: Langewort, 1941); compare also C.R.H. Rabl, "Sprachreinigung," Deutsches Arzteblatt 63 (1933): 117 ff. For examples of "Germanized technical expres sions" in genetics, see "Verdeutschte Fachausdrficke in der Vererbungslehre," Volk und Rasse 11 (1936): 100-102. Martin Staemmler's Rassenpflege im volkischen Staat was sometimes taken as exemplary in its avoidance of foreign words; see Otto Rabes, "Eins tut not," Volk und Rasse 9 (1934): 54-55. For an overview and critique of Nazi speech more generally, see Carl F. Graumann, "Die Sprache der NS-Propaganda und ihre Wirkung," in Von der Heilkunde zur Massentotung: Medizin im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Gerrit Hohendorf and Achim MagullSeltenreich (Heidelberg: Wunderhom, 1990), pp. 185-202. 40. Fischer-Wasels in 1906 showed that the aminoazo dye scarlet red could cause cancer when injected into rabbit ears; see his "Die experimentelle Erzeugung atypischer Epithelwucherungen und die Entstehung bosartiger Geschwfilste," Munchener medizinische Wochenschrift 53 (1906): 2041-47. 41. Bernhard Fischer-Wasels, "Die Bedeutung der besonderen Allgemeindisposition des Korpers ffir die Entstehung der Krebskrankheit," Strahlentherapie 50 (1934): 7, 28. 42. Teutschlaender, "Arbeit und Geschwulstbildung," p. 75. Rudolf Ramm in 1942 characterized cancer cells as "parasites in the marrow of the people's power" (Parasiten am Mark der Volkskraft); see his "Systematische Krebsbe kampfung," p. 269. 43. Hans Auler, Der Krebs und seine Bekampfung (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1937), p. 5; compare Curt Thomalla's reference to cancer as a Revolution im Zellstaat and to malignant cells as bosartige revolutionare Zellen in his Gesund sein--Gesund bleiben (Berlin: F. W. Peters, 1936), p. 352; also the radiologist Al bert Kukowka's characterization of carcinogenesis as a revolutionare krebsige Umwandlung der Zelle. The references, interestingly, are to the French revolution