Document dYpDKzJmnoq2Leaj90aML73jR

296 NOTES TO PAGES 60-61 durch Spontanmutation," Zeitschrift fiir Krebsforschung 54 (1944): 12-14. Henschke noted the resistance in the medical community to the idea that only mutagens (mutationsausldsen.de Faktoren) could cause cancer, and that all carcin ogens--e.g.. X-rays, radium, ultraviolet irradiation--caused mutations (p. 15). Henschke correctly perceived that cancer was not weeded out in the course of evolutionary history, since it tended to affect only persons past the age of re production. He also noted, though, that evolution was possible only through mutation, so cancer was in this sense the unfortunate consequence (Opfer) of the possibility of evolution (p. 23). 7. Karl Heinrich Bauer and Felix von Mikulicz-Radecki, Die Praxis der Sterilisierungsoperationen (Leipzig: J. A. Barth, 1936). American occupation author ities in 1945 named Bauer Rektor of the University of Heidelberg. On the 1968 accusations of Nazi collaboration, see Christian Pross, "Nazi Doctors, German Medicine, and Historical Truth," in Annas and Grodin, Nazi Doctors, pp. 41 and 49 n. 31. 8. Karl Heinrich Bauer, Mutationstheorie der Geschwulst-Entstehung (Berlin: Springer, 1928). 9. Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer, Leitfaden der Rassenhygiene (Leipzig: Georg Thieme, 1941), p. 158. Albert Dietrich of Tubingen also followed Bauer in as serting that all mutagens are carcinogens: "Alle positiv mutationserzeugenden, strahlenden Energien sind aber zugleich krebserzeugend (K. H. Bauer)"; see his "Der Stand der Krebsforschung," in Krebsbehandlung und Krebsbekdmpfung, ed. Landesausschuss fiir Krebsbekampfung in Bremen (Berlin: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1938), p. 15. 10. Max Schuller, "Gibt es eine Predisposition fiir Krebs und worin besteht sie?" Archiv fiir Rassen- und Gesellschaftsbiologie 1 (1904): 831. Schiiller himself regarded the differences as not yet proven to be racial in origins. 11. Germany's most important racial hygiene journal in 1904 reported the commonly held belief that "the white race is particularly predisposed to can cer" and that "some colored races, some of the Negro populations of Africa, for example, are entirely free of cancer and immune to it" (ibid., p. 825). Schiiller maintained that recent immigrants to a country were more likely to contract cancer than persons native to that country (p. 826), a view consistent with germ theories popular at the time. 12. Ukrainian women were apparently more than four times as likely to die of genital cancer as were Jewish women living in the Ukraine; Ukrainian Jews were also only half as likely to die of breast cancer. See Arkadii M. Merkow, "Zur vergleichenden Charakteristik der Krebsaffektion der wesentlichsten nationalen und sozialen Gruppen der Stadtbevolkerung der Ukraine," Zeitschrift fur Krebsforschung 34 (1931): 285-98. 13. Gerhard Wagner, "Unser Reichsarztefuhrer Spricht," Ziel und Weg 5 (1935): 432-33; Theobald Lang, "Die Belastung des Judentums mit GeistigAuffalligen," Natiomlsozialistische Monatshefie 3 (1932): 23-30; Walter Gross, "Die Familie," Informationsdienst, no. 58 (September 20, 1938). For a provoca tive critique and review, especially of pre-Nazi literature, see Sander L. Gil man, The Jew's Body (London: Routledge, 1992). NOTES TO PAGES 61-63 297 14. Sander L. Gilman, Freud, Race, and Gender (Princeton: Princeton Univer sity Press, 1993), p. 172. 15. Wagner, "Unser Reichsarztefuhrer spricht," Ziel und Weg 5 (1935): 432; compare Walter Schottky, ed., Rasse und Krankheit (Munich: Lehmann, 1936), and Wilhelm Hildebrandt, Rassenmischung und Krankheit: Ein Versuch (Stutt gart: Hippokrates, 1935). 16. The best review of bias in cancer reporting is probably still Clemmesen's Statistical Studies, pp. 1-34. 17. Hoffman, Mortality from Cancer, pp. 15-16, 129. Not everyone regarded blacks as less susceptible: a professor of physiology and medical jurisprudence in the Medical College of South Carolina at Charleston in 1892 wrote: "If we look again to the accepted etiology of carcinoma of the womb we should un doubtedly consider the colored people as specially liable to it. When we re member the unbridled licentiousness of this people, their profligacy, the atten dant traumatisms about the cervix in women who have borne many children, we surely find conditions that, to say the least, could scarcely be supposed to render the black race exempt." See Middleton Michel, "Carcinoma Uteri in the Negro," Medical News 11 (1892): 402. 18. Alfredo Niceforo, "Cancer in Relation to Race in Europe," in Report ofthe International Conference on Cancer (Bristol: J. Wright & Sons, 1928), p. 502; Eu gene Pittard, "Can We Ignore the Race Problem in Connection with Cancer?" in the same volume, pp. 503-7. 19. Hermann Stahr, "Vom Lungenkrebs," Monatsschrift fiir Krebsbekampfung 5 (1938): 212. 20. Arthur Purdy Stout, "Tumors of the Neuromyo-Arterial Glomus," American Journal of Cancer 24 (1935): 255-72. 21. Gilman, Freud, pp. 170-73. Adolf Theilhaber was one of the first to show that uterine cancer was relatively rare among Jewish women; see his "Zur Lehre von der Entstehung der Uterustumoren," Munchener medizinische Wochenschrift 56 (1909): 1272-73. Adolf's son, Felix, the Zionist author of the Jew ish Untergangstheorie who also studied uterine cancer, fled Germany in 1935. The best review of cancer among European Jews prior to the Nazi period is probably Sigismund Peller, "Uber Krebssterblichkeit der Juden," Zeitschriftfur Krebsforschung 34 (1931): 128-47. Peller was a Viennese Jew who left for Pales tine with his wife in 1934; see his Not in My Time. 22. Lenz, Menschliche Erblichkeitslehre, pp. 264 ff. 23. Sigmund Rascher, "Denkschrift," May 1, 1939, BDC; Wolfgang Benz, "Dr. med. Sigmund Rascher: Eine Karriere," Dachauer Hefte 4 (1988): 193-94. The meeting described in Rascher's memorandum took place on April 24, 1939. In addition to the rat plan, Himmler apparently wanted Rascher to find out whether cancer rates in the remote villages of Memel, in eastern Prussia, were lower than elsewhere. Himmler was also interested in whether chemical fertilizers could cause cancer, especially whether the fertilizers commonly used on grass could be tied to cancers among cows. Rascher was supposed to contact local veterinary surgeons, Nazi farm leaders, and church leaders, to determine local cancer rates; he was also supposed to investigate how much