Document RaNjgnvr3nZagm0r4weaoK3oV

286 NOTES TO PAGES 26-29 61. Herbert Assmann, "Uber Nikotinschaden," Die Genussgifte 36 (1940): 39. 62. See Robert Pois, National Socialism and the Religion of Nature (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986); Gert Greening and Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn, "Some Notes on the Mania for Native Plants in Germany," Landscape Journal 11 (1992): 116-26; also my Racial Hygiene, pp. 223-50. 63. Ernst G. Schenck, Patient Hitler: Eine medizinische Biographie (Dusseldorf: Droste, 1989), p. 32. 64. D. Bauer, "So lebt der Diice," Auf der Wacht 54 (1937): 19-20. German propaganda also portrayed Churchill as an excessive drinker. 65. Georg Bonne, "Nachbehandlung nach Krebsoperation," Hippokrates 9 (1938): 612-13. 66. Karl Kotschau, "Uber Umweltschadigungen," Hippokrates 9 (1938): 128283. 67. Gustav Riedlin, "Das Kochsalz als Kulturgift," Fortschritte der Medizin 53 (1935): 543-44; compare also Hugo O. Kleine, Emahrungsschaden als Krankheitsursachen: Versuch einer Darstellung der gesundheitsschadlichen Folgen zivilisationsbedingter Fehlemdhrung (Stuttgart: Hippokrates, 1940). 68. Roland Blaich, "Nazi Race Hygiene and the Adventists," Spectrum 25 (September 1996): 14. 69. Felix Griineisen, "Krebsbekampfung im nationalsozialistischen Staat," Deutsche medizinische Wochenschrift 59 (1933): 1498. In a bizarre case of straw manning, Griineisen accused "Bolshevist-materialists" of claiming that cancer should not be fought, since it was a "natural" consequence of growing old and a "natural regulator" of the human population (p. 1499). 70. Anton Missriegler, "Die Krebsangst," Hippokrates 9 (1938): 469-71. 71. Hans Hinselmann, "14 Jahre Kolposkopie. Ein Riickblick und Ausblick," Hippokrates 9 (1938): 661-67; compare also the historical introduction in Hanskurt Bauer, Farbatlas der Kolposkopie, 4th ed. (Stuttgart: Schattauer, 1993). Hin selmann developed the colposcope in 1924. He joined the Nazi party on May 1,1933, and three years later was awarded Germany's first Dozentur (lec tureship) for colposcopy and early uterine cancer diagnosis. The American So ciety for Colposcopy, publisher of The Colposcopist, was founded in 1963. 72. Georg Winter, "Die erste Krebsbekampfung, ihre Erfolge und Lehren," Monatsschrift fur Krebsbekampfung 1 (1933): 3-10. 73. There were some seventy Krebsberatungsstellen in Germany in 1941. Counseling centers were also established in the occupied East; see, for exam ple, "Krebsberatungsstelle Litzmannstadt," Monatsschrift fur Krebsbekampfung 11 (1943): 72. Not every counseling center was heavily patronized: the center in Lodz, for example, recorded only two hundred visitors in 1941 (ibid.). 74. Rudolf Ramm, "Systematische Krebsbekampfung," Die Gesundheitsfiihrung, November 1942, pp. 268-69. Jeder Achte, also known as Ein Film gegen die Volkskrankheit: Krebs, was produced by Walter Ruttmann in 1941 with scien tific advice from Hans Auler. There are at least two Weimar-era cancer films: Die Krebskrankheit (1925), produced by Julius Mayr, Paul P. Gotthardt, and Carl Moncorps; and Krebs (1930), an eighteen-minute silent film produced and dis tributed by the Deutsches Hygiene-Museum in Dresden. The best analysis of NOTES TO PAGES 29-35 287 Nazi medical films is Ulf Schmidt, Medical Research Films, Perpetrators, and Vic tims in National Socialist Germany, 1933-1945 (Oxford: D.Phil. diss., 1997). 75. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1962), pp. 21944. 76. Felix von Mikulicz-Radecki, "Vorsichtsuntersuchungen im Rahmen der Bestrebungen um die Krebsfriiherfassung," Monatsschrift fur Krebsbekampfung 9 (1942): 84-88. 77. Georg Winter, "Die Friiherfassung des Krebses in der Zukunft/' Monats schrift fiir Krebsbekampfung 10 (1942): 1-5. 78. Robert Hofstatter, "Uber die Notwendigkeit der periodischen Gesunden-Untersuchung und der allgemeinen Meldepflicht zur Bekampfung der Krebskrankheit bei der Frau," Wiener medizinische Wochenschrift 89 (1939): 93134. The calculations were actually those of Carl H. Lasch. 79. Hofstatter file, BDC. 80. Walter Niderehe, "Bericht fiber die Vortrage betr. Krebsbekampfung auf dem 3. intemat. Kongress f.d. arztl. Fortbildungswesen in Berlin," Aug. 24, 1937, p. 4, E 1496, Thfiringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Weimar (hereafter THW). 81. Ibid., p. 8. Felix von Mikulicz-Radecki upheld this view. 82. Hermann Langbein, Menschen in Auschwitz (Vienna: Europaverlag, 1972), pp. 427-28. I would like to thank Scott Lentz for drawing this material to my attention. 83. Lifton, Nazi Doctors, p. 391. Chapter 2 The Gleichschaltung of German Cancer Research 1. Three of the cancer researchers fired from the Charity--Ferdinand Blumenthal, Eduard Jacobs, and H. Rosenberg--obtained professional positions, at least for a time, in Belgrade; see Michael Hubenstorf and Peter Th. Walther, "Politische Bedingungen und allgemeine Verandenmgen des Berliner Wissenschaftsbetriebes," in Exodus von Wissenschaften aus Berlin: Fragestellung, Ergebnisse. Desiderate, ed. Wolfram Fischer et al. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), pp. 34-35. 2. Blumenthal was fired on September 24, 1933; his replacement, Hans Auler, with whom Blumenthal had long worked, was named deputy director of the Charite's Cancer Institute. (Ferdinand Sauerbruch was named director in 1935; see Wagner and Mauerberger, Krebsforschung, pp. 13-14.) Blumenthal (1870-1941) had been chief physician at the Charite's FUrsorgestelle fiir Krebskranke und Krebsverdachtige in 1906; he later explored the heritability of cancer and the role of trauma. In 1931 he predicted that if Germany and England each were to build one less Dreadnought and invest the resulting RM 40 million in forty cancer institutes for each country, "we would not only see the cancer question solved but would also see the number of cancer victims reduced by half." See his "Zum 25-jahrigen Bestehen," p. 543. Blumenthal fled to Czechoslovakia in 1933, then to Vienna and then Belgrade after the annexa tion of Austria. From Belgrade he traveled first to Tirana, Albania, and finally