Document Qk3LLq52Nev7R9OpNpyYzRVR8

314 NOTES TO PAGES 118-19 Springer, 1939), p. 251. Reiter also pointed out that lead shortages had prompted the use of substitutes in many industries--printing and painting, for example--reducing the health risks in those industries (ibid.). 178. Gotz Aly, Peter Chroust, and Christian Press, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994) , pp. 1-98. 179. In one of his Hauptquartier conversations. Hitler entertained the rather cryptic idea that people with heart and lung disease "nicht mehr in der Offentlichkeit bleiben konnen und durfen ebenfalls keine Nachkommen mehr erzeugen"; these were measures "die nach siegreichem Kriegsende schnellstens durchgefuhrt werden miissen." See the memo authored by Hessen-Nassau Gauleiter Jakob Sprenger to an unnamed Kreisleiter, preserved in the Archiv der sozialen Demokratie der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Nachlass Fritz Henssler, Mappe 2, Az. I/B/37869/8, published in Utopie Kreativ 55 (1995): 36-37. Ernst Haeckel had proposed making voluntary euthanasia available to terminally ill cancer patients: see his Die Lebenswunder: Gemeinverstdndliche Studien iiber biologische Philosophie (Stuttgart: Kroner, 1904), pp. 131-35. The psychiatrist E. Wauschkuhn, anticipating the implementation of the euthanasia plans of Karl Binding and Alfred Hoche, as early as 1922 warned that it was "only a matter of time" before cancer patients, along with the blind and the deaf, tu bercular, war-wounded, and persons unable to work would be put to death; see his "Die Freigabe der Vemichtung lebensunwerten Lebens," PsychiatrischNeurologische Wochenschrift 24 (1922): 217. There is no evidence that cancer pa tients were ever singled out for euthanasia in the Nazi period. 180. On the German euthanasia program, see Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: "Euthanasia" in Germany, 1900-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1995); Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Eu thanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995) ; and Ernst Klee, "Euthanasie" im NS-Staat, die "Vemichtung lebensun werten Lebens" (Frankfurt: S. Fischer, 1983). On parallel U.S. initiatives, see Eze kiel J. Emanuel, "The Flistory of Euthanasia Debates in the United States and Britain," Annals ofInternal Medicine 121 (1994): 793-802; also Martin S. Pemick, The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of "Defective" Babies in American Medicine and Motion Pictures since 1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 181. Advocates of organic medicine espoused similar views: Karl Kotschau in 1939, for example, argued that people had to work, even if it cost them some of their health. The choice, as he put it, was between performance and elimi nation ("entweder Leistungsfahigkeit oder naturliche Ausmerze"); see his Kdmpferische Vorsorge statt karitative Fursorge (Nuremberg: Deutsche Volksgesundheit, 1939), p. 177; also Hien, Chemische Industrie, pp. 146-57. 182. Hermann Hebestreit, "Bedeutung und Zukunftsaufgaben der Arbeitsmedizin," Zentralblattfur Gewerbehygiene 18 (1941): 154-64. 183. Sepp Graessner, "Neue soziale Kontrolltechniken durch Arbeits- und Leistungsmedizin," in Baader and Schultz, Medizin und Nationalsozialismus, p. 149. The elderly for Haubold were "fiir das Gesamtvolk nicht mehr direkt niitzliche[s] Leben"; see his "Statistik," p. 150. NOTES TO PAGES 120-27 315 Chapter 5 The Nazi Diet 1. Cancer was already being blamed on improper diet during the First World War; see David Paul von Hansemann, "Beeinflusst der Krieg die Entstehung oder dels Wachstum von Geschwiilsten?" Xeitschriftfur Krebsforschung 15 (1916): 492-516. Nutrition was a feature of Germany's otherwise Taylorist labor physiology in the 1920s; see Dietrich Milles, "Working Capacity and Cal orie Consumption: The History of Rational Physical Economy," in The Science and Culture of Nutrition, 1840-1940, ed. Harmke Kamminga and Andrew Cun ningham (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), pp. 82-87. 2. Virchow, Krankhafte Geschwiilste, 1:81-82. 3. Dormanns, "Die vergleichende geographisch-pathologische Reichs-Carcinomstatistik." 4. "Mitteilungen," Monatsschrift fiir Krebsbekdmpfung 5 (1938): 328. 5. The SS paper Schwarzes Karps complained about German tourists "wolf ing down whipped cream" in Viennese coffeehouses after the annexation of Austria; a pro-militarist slogan urged a choice between "Fighting Power" and "Whipped Cream" (Schlagkraft oder Schlagobersl); see George Davey Smith, S. A. Strobele, and M. Egger, "Reply," Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 51 (1997): 209. 6. Reichsjugendfiihrung, Du hast die Pflicht, gesund zu seinl. Heft 3, Gesund durch richtig Emahrung (n.p.: Gesundheitsaktion der Hitler-Jugend, 1939), P- 227. Kitzing, Erziehung, p. 220. 8. Liek, Der Kampf p. 22. 9. Franz G. M. Wirz, Gesunde und gesicherte Volksemahrung (Dresden: Miil- lersche Verlagshandlung, 1938), pp. 1-16. 10. Ibid.; compare Gumpert, Heil Hunger!, pp. 22-23. 11. See my Racial Hygiene, pp. 235-37. Mussolini was a bread enthusiast: a 1941 Hitler Youth health handbook recites several lines of doggerel from the Duce, praising bread as "das Herz des Hauses, den Duft des Tisches, das Freudezeichen des Herdes"; see Kitzing, Erziehung, p. 187. 12. Wirz, Gesunde und gesicherte Volksemahrung, p. 17. The Weltmilch-Kongress, meeting in Berlin, had recently endorsed the consumption of skim milk (ibid.). 13. Will Kraft, Deutschlands Nahrungsfreiheit (Dresden: Mullersche Verlags handlung, 1937). 14. Kortenhaus, "Krebs," p. 426. A number of influential "orthodox" physi cians joined in this critique of the (Virchowian) idea of cancer as the product of local irritation, favoring instead the hypothesis of damage to the entire or ganism; see Ferdinand Sauerbruch and E. Knake, "Die Bedeutung von Sexualstorungen fiir die Entstehung von Geschwulsten," Zeitschriftfiir Krebsforschung 44 (1936): 223. 15. Friedrich Kortenhaus argued that replacing animal fats with plant oils would help prevent cancer; see his "Krebs," p. 441.