Document QgKbK40Q2de4XVOQ1QrLpQp64

294 NOTES TO PAGES 52-53 "Zu- oder abnehmende Krebsbedrohung im Lichte der Statistik und neuer Beobachtungen," Zeitschriftfur Krebsforschung 45 (1937): 437-48. Peller held the curious view that cancer in one part of die body could actually prevent cancer in another he therefore advised sun exposure, believing that the cancers thereby produced would be more curable than other kinds of cancer. See his Not in My Time: The Story of a Doctor (New York: Philosophical Library, 1979), p. 98. 63. Schonbauer and Ueberreiter, "Erlaubt," p. 556. 64. Ernst Dormanns in 1933 noted that most leading German statisticians (Robert Rossle, Karl von Wolff, Karl Freudenberg, Sigismund Peller, and Friedrich Prinzing, for example) believed that the increase observed in cancer rates was purely the result of aging and improved diagnostics; see his "Beitrag zur Frage der Zunahme der Krebskrankheit," Zeitschrift fur Krebsforschung 39 (1933): 40-53. Dormanns also cautioned, however, against the conceit implicit in the notion that growing cancer mortality was always evidence of everimproving diagnostic capabilities; earlier generations of physicians were not, he insisted, as incompetent as such a thesis implied (ibid., pp. 40-41). Dor manns used autopsy data to show that as many as one in five cancers was still being misdiagnosed, and that the fraction of misdiagnoses for thie period 19011911 was about the same as for 1922-1931 (p. 42). This was evidence, for him as for many others, that cancer mortality rates were actually higher than officially reported; it was also evidence that improving diagnostics could not be responsible for all of the observed increase in cancer mortality. Physicians in the 1930s seemed to be just as likely to misdiagnose a particular kind of cancer as their counterparts in the decade prior to the First World War. After the war, Karl Freudenberg at Berlin's Freie Universitat ridiculed the suggestion (put forward "by quacks") that cancer rates were on the rise; see his "Die scheinbare Zunahme der Krebssterblichkeit," Archivjur Hygiene und Bakteriologie 136 (1952): 129-38. Neither tobacco nor lung cancer, interestingly, was mentioned in Freudenberg's article. 65. Hellmut Haubold, "Statistik und volksbiologische Bedeutung des Krebses," in Adam and Auler, Neuere Ergebnisse, pp. 144-49. 66. Hellmut Haubold, Krebs und Krebsbekdmpfung in Frankreich (Leipzig: J. A. Barth, 1936), p. 248. 67. See my Cancer Wars, pp. 54-74. Juraj Korbler in 1973 argued that modem foods were actually more natural--preservatives notwithstanding--than the foods of earlier decades; see his Geschichte der Krebskrankheit: Schicksale der Kranken, der Ante und der Torscher (Vienna: Ranner, 1973), p. 187. 68. The Swiss radiologists Hans R. Schinz and Adolf Zuppinger in 1937 pre sented statistical evidence that age-adjusted cancer death rates were not in fact increasing in Zurich; cancer was becoming more common for no other reason than that people were living to loftier ages. See their Siebzehn Jahre Strahlentherapie, pp. 2-16. The authors did point out, however, that while certain cancers were on the decline (stomach and uterine), others were becoming more com mon (e.g., breast and lung); see pp. 11 and 15. 69. The medical faculty at the German University of Prague was such a bas tion of pro-Nazi sentiment that the entire faculty was arrested (by Czech po NOTES TO PAGES 53-59 295 lice) when German troops began their invasion of the Sudetenland in the spring of 1938. Three years earlier, Czech authorities had banned Germany's most widely read medical weekly--J. F. Lehmann's Munchener medizinische Wochenschrift--as a subversive publication; see my Racial Hygiene, pp. 169 and 275-76. 70. Hans Schwarz, "Nimmt die Krebssterblichkeit zu?" Zeitschrift fur Krebs forschung 42 (1935): 426-31; Fischer-Wasels, "Bekampfung der Krebskrank heit." 71. Pfeil, "Lungentumoren," pp. 1198-99. 72. Fritz Lenz, "Zur Emeuerung der Ethik," Deutschlands Emeuerung 1 (1917): 42-43. Lenz's essay was republished in 1933 as Die Rasse als Wertprinzip (Munich: Lehmann, 1933). 73. Leonardo Conti, ed., Sauna: Ein Weg zur Volksgesundheit (Berlin: Reichsgesundheitsverlag, 1942), p. 3; compare Hans Hoske's "Im Kampf gegen die Zivilisationsschaden" in the same volume. 74. Albert Wolff, "Zur Krebsfrage: Erwin Liek zum Gedachtnis," Hippokrates 8 (1937): 63-65. 75. Detlef Bothe, Neue Deutsche Heilkunde: 1933-1945 (Berlin: Matthiesen, 1991), p. 290. 76. Goebbels, Tagebiicher, pp. 651-52, 706. 77. Ibid., p. 688. 78. Trials of War Criminals, 1:656, 668. Gebhardt testified that Himmler "al ways attempted to discover old-fashioned popular remedies" (p. 669). The ho meopathic agents used in the Dachau experiments are described on p. 658. Ten fatalities were recorded in these experiments (p. 659). Chapter 3 Genetic and Racial Theories 1. See my Racial Hygiene, pp. 55 ff. 2. Friedrich Hoffmann, Opera Omnia physico-medica (Geneva, 1761), 3:446. 3. See my Cancer Wars, pp. 218-22. 4. The first study of twins with cancer is apparently Tito Spannocchi's "Contributo alia ereditarieta dei fibromi dell' utero," Archivio italiano di Ginecologia 2 (1899): 251-54. Heinrich Kranz reviewed efforts to use twin studies to resolve the nature-nurture question for cancer in his "Tumoren bei Zwillingen," Zeitschrift fur induktive Abstammungs- und Vererbungslehre 62 (1932): 173-81; compare also J. J. Versluys, "Zwillingspathologischer Beitrag zur Atiologie der Tumoren," Zeitschrift fur Krebsforschung 41 (1935): 239-59. 5. Juraj Korbler, "Zur Frage der Vererbung und der Kontagiositat bei Krebs," Zeitschriftfur Krebsforschung 47 (1938): 86. 6. Fritz Lenz, Menschliche Erblichkeitslehre (Munich: Lehmann, 1921), pp. 258-62. A 1944 article in the Zeitschrift fur Krebsforschung identified Charles Otis Whitman, Fritz Lenz, and Karl H. Bauer as the earliest pioneers of the somatic mutation hypothesis, followed later by Frederik G. Gade of Nor way, (Hans?) Schwarz, and Hans R. Schinz; see Ulrich Henschke, "Uber Geschwulsttheorien und die Moglichkeit der Entstehung der Geschwulstzelle