Document QMVVQYo8wr72KnzznbDz44535

348 NOTES TO PAGES 263-68 laboratory that operated until 1948 (ibid., p. 186). Koch notes that some of Blome's bacterial cultures were captured by the Russians at Alt-Rehse's Doc tors' Fiihrer School (Menschenversuche, p. 264). 41. Hansen suggests that the 500,000 RM allocated for Nesselstedt in De cember of that year actually went to the construction of the Geraberg facility, which was never completed. American soldiers discovered the unfinished buildings, along with bacterial flasks and other laboratory equipment, when they captured Geraberg in April of 1945 (Biologische Kriegsfiihrung, p. 141). It would be interesting to explore the extent to which Japanese-German medical contacts during the war were organized to further collaboration in the field of biowarfare; Hansen points out that Dr. Enryo Hojo lectured on the topic at the Military Medical Academy of Berlin in October of 1941 (ibid., p. 87). See also Hellmut Haubold, "Deutschlands und Japans Zusammenarbeit im Gesundheitswesen," Die Gesundheitsfiihrung, March-April 1944, pp. 54-56. 42. Walter Vocking, "Die Entwicklung des Heil- und Gewiirzpflanzenanbaues im Deutschen Reich," Die Deutsche Heilpflanze--Beilage, July 1939, p. 30. 43. Ludwig Lendle, "Uber Vergiftungsmoglichkeiten bei Anbau, Sammeln und Verarbeitung einheimischer Arzneipflanzen," Die Deutsche Heilpflanze-- Beilage, November 1934, pp. 11-12. 44. Walter Wuttke-Groneberg, Medizin im Nationalsozialismus: Ein Arbeitsbuch (Tubingen: Schwabische Verlagsgesellschaft, 1980), pp. 188-202. 45. Enno Georg, Die wirtschaftlichen Untemehmungen der SS (Stuttgart: Deut sche Verlags-Anstalt, 1963), pp. 62-65. 46. Groening and Wolschke-Bulhman, "Some Notes," pp. 120-23. Early American eugenicists regarded the magnificent redwoods of California as Aryans of the forest; the "Save-the-Redwoods League" established in 1918 counted at least eleven eugenicists among its members, including Madison Grant, Henry Fairfield Osbom, and Vernon Kellogg. See Susan R Schrepfer, The Fight to Save the Redwoods: A History of Environmental Reform 1917-1978 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 43-44. 47. Walther Schoenichen, Naturschutz als volkische und intemationale Kulturaufgabe (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1942), pp. 405-10. Schoenichen dted the words of Paul Sarasin at the First International Nature Protection Congress in Geneva that "the most important task of world nature protection must be to protect the last remnants of primitive human races from extermination, and to pre serve them as undisturbed as possible for future generations" (pp. 406-7). Schoenichen added that it was important to make such demands in the name of biology and anthropology, and not some mushy humanitarianism (verwaschenen Menschlichkeitsidee) that throws "Hottentots, Jews, and Aryans all into one pot" (p. 408). 47. Ibid., pp. 406-18, and for background, see Raymond H. Dominick, The Environmental Movement in Germany: Prophets and Pioneers, 1871-1971 (Bloom ington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 85-115. 49. Mervyn Susser, "Timing in Prenatal Nutrition: A Reprise of the Dutch Famine Study," Nutrition Reviews 52 (1994): 84-94. 50. J. M. Winter, "The Impact of the First World War on Civilian Health in NOTES TO PAGES 268-74 349 Britain," Economic History Review, 2d ser., 30 (1977): 487-507; Marks, Progress cf Experiment, pp. 164-228. 51. Nikolaus Becker, Elaine M. Smith, and Jurgen Wahrendorf, "Time Trends in Cancer Mortality in the Federal Republic of Germany: Progress against Cancer?" International Journal ofCancer 43 (1989): 247; personal commu nication, Nikolaus Becker. 52. German women were often employed in weapons work during the war, though more often in supervisory positions; see Angelika Ebbinghaus, Opfer und Tiiterinnen: Frauenbiographien des Nationalsozialismus (Nordlingen: F. Greno, 1987). 53. There is indirect evidence that military men were more likely to smoke than civilians. A 1944 survey showed that lung cancer was the most common cause of cancer death among soldiers in the early years of the Second World War. In the German male population as a whole, by contrast, stomach cancers still outnumbered lung cancers by more than two to one. This peculiarity in the military was not due to its younger population, as shown by the fact that lung cancer was the most common cause of cancer death even after age-adjust ment of the data (11 soldiers over 45 died of lung cancer; 10 soldiers over 45 died of stomach cancer); see Dietrich, "Krebs als Kriegsfolge," pp. 198-99. Given its long latency, many of these lung cancers would have begun to grow prior even to 1933, reflecting smoking patterns before the Nazi seizure of power. 54. Michael Burleigh, Ethics and Extermination: Reflections on Nazi Genocide (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 4 and 150-51; Arthur L. Caplan, "The Doctors' Trial and Analogies to the Holocaust in Contemporary Bioethical Debates," in Annas and Grodin, Nazi Doctors, pp. 258-75. 55. Carey Goldberg, "Massachusetts Man's Goal Is to Rid Town of To bacco," New York Times, October 7,1997. 56. Rosie DiManno, "The New Rednecks: NicoNazis Pushing Bigotry's Bor ders," Toronto Star, March 10,1997, p. A7. 57. For sources, see Arthur L. Caplan: When Medicine Went Mad: Bioethics and the Holocaust (Totowa, N.J.: Humana, 1992). 58. Barry M. Katz, Foreign Intelligence: Research and Analysis in the Office of Strategic Services, 1942-1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989). 59. Mark Walker, Nazi Science: Myth, Truth, and the German Atomic Bomb (New York: Plenum, 1995). 60. See chap. 1, n. 9. 61. Eduard Pemkopf, Topographische Anatomie des Menschen: Lehrbuch und Alas der regionar-stratigraphischen Prdparation, vols. 1-3 (Berlin: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1937, 1943, and 1952, plus subsequent editions and transla tions). For background, see Jonathan Broder, "The Corpses That Won't Die," Jerusalem Post, February 22, 1996, pp. 24-25. 62. Carl Schoettler, "Is Lifesaving Tool a Product of Evil?" Baltimore Sun, August 1,1997. 63. David J. Williams, "The History of Eduard. Pemkopf's Topographische Anatomie des Menschen," Journal of Biomedical Communication 15 (1988): 2-12.