Document NEExaRVwpOxEpRv1562wKGEnQ

320 NOTES TO PAGES 145-54 nation's 8,000 annual traffic fatalities were associated with alcohol in the pe riod 1934-1937 (ibid.). 84. Aufder Wacht 54 (1937): 54. 85. "Mitteilungen," Offentlicher Gesundheitsdienst 7 (1941): 336. 86. Kitzing, Erziehung, pp. 194-95; compare Heinrich Hunke, "Rede des Prasidenten des Werberates der deutschen Wirtschaft," in Volksgesundheit und Werbung, ed. Werberat der deutschen Wirtschaft (Berlin: Carl Heymanns, 1939), pp. 42-43. 87. Hans Reiter and Wilhelm Heupke, Obst und fliissiges Obst in der Volksemahrung und Rrankenbehandlung (Berlin: Wacht-Verlag, 1938). 88. Jeremy Noakes, "Nazism and Eugenics: The Background to the Nazi Sterilization Law of 14 July 1933," in Ideas into Politics, ed. R. J. Bullen, H. Pogge von Strandmann, and A. B. Polonsky (Totowa, N.J.: Humana, 1984), p. 80. 89. Ernst Sprungmann, "Die Bedeutung der Neuregelung des staatlichen Gesundheitswesens," Offentlicher Gesundheitsdienst 1 (1935): 578. 90. Verschuer, Erbpathologie, p. 178. 91. "Bierverbrauch im Deutschen Reich," Vertrauensarzt 6 (1938): 157. 92. Gumpert, Heil Hunger!, pp. 33-37. 93. Arthur Giitt, "Offentliches Gesundheitswesen und Vierjahresplan," Of fentlicher Gesundheitsdienst 3 (1937): 211-12. 94. Werberat, Volksgesundheit und Werbung, p. 9. Insurance officials pointed out that drinkers cost much more to insure than nondrinkers, owing to their increased risk from heart disease (Bierherz), cancer, diabetes, and many other ailments; see Ferdinand Sauerbruch, Fritz Lickint, and Ernst Gabriel, Arzt, Alkohol und Tabak (Berlin: Reichsgesundheitsverlag, 1940), pp. 14-15.. 95. Kitzing, Erziehung, p. 232. 96. Kleine, Emahrungsschiiden als Krankheitsursachen, p. 34. 97. Gumpert, Heil Hunger!, p. 36. 98. Bracht and Messer, Alkohol Volk Stoat, pp. 31-32. 99. Cited in ibid., p. 34. 100. Friedlander, Origins of Nazi Genocide-, Wolfgang Ayass, "Asoziale" im Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart Klett-Cotta, 1995). 101. Gumpert, Heil Hunger!, p. 38. 102. In 1938, Hermann Goring sold his Four-Year Plan to Bavarians by promising a "considerable increase in beer production"; see ibid., p. 40. 103. Goebbels, Diaries, pp. 64, 82. 104. Kitzing, Erziehung, pp. 230-31. 105. George Reid, "Die Bedeutung der Genussgifte Alkohol und Nikotin fur den menschlichen Korper," in Die Gesundheitsfiihrung der fugend, ed. Robert Hordemann and Gerhard Joppich (Munich: Lehmann, 1939), p. 314. 106. Kitzing, Erziehung, pp. 231-32. 107. Hermann Druckrey, "Kaffeerostprodukte und Krebs," Medizinische Klinik 35 (1939): 614-15. Similar objections had been raised against Roffo's claims to have proven the carcinogenicity of tobacco tars in laboratory experi ments: Ernest Kennaway of England charged that Roffo had burned his to bacco at too high a temperature, producing tars that would never have been produced through the ordinary act of smoking. NOTES TO PAGES 154-60 321 108. Sauerbruch, Lickint, and Gabriel, Arzt, Alkohol und Tabak, p. 11. 109. Karl Heinz Roth, "Leistungsmedizin: Das Beispiel Pervitin," in Arzte im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Fridolf Kudlien (Cologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1985). 110. C. Pullen, "Bedeutung des Pervitin fiir die Chirurgie," Chirurg 13 (1939): 485 ff. 111. Trials of War Criminals, 1:633. 112. Hans Zimmermaim, Zur Frage der Wirkung von Pervitin auf Konzentrationsleistungen (Dortmund: Med. diss., 1946). 113. "Berliner Medizinische Gesellschaft," Klinische Wochenschrift 23 (1944): 178. Interest in these particular experiments--conducted at Buchenwald-- seems to have been generated by suspicion that an SS officer by the name of Koehler had died from a deliberate act of poisoning. One theory was that a South American poison had been used (curare?); another was that Pervitin in combination with a narcotic had been used. Experiments were undertaken to determine whether taking both drugs in combination could be fatal; see Trials of War Criminals, 1:691-92. 114. Martin Lee, Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD, and the Sixties Rebellion (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1987), p. 17. 115. Gerhard Karber, "Schlaftnittelmissbrauch," Reichs-Gesundheitsblatt 14 (1939): 537-39. 116. Hans F. Michaelis, "liber die Wirkung einer warmen Mahlzeit auf die Leistungsfahigkeit von Frauen bei Nachtarbeit," Arbeitsphysiologie 12 (1942): 134-41. 117. Bernhard Schlegel and Heinrich Bottner, "Experimenteller Beitrag zur Emahrung bei Hitzeeinwirkung auf den menschlichen Organismus," Die Ernahrung 6 (1941): 177-85. 118. Konrad Lang, "Emahrung," in Ernst Rodenwaldt et al.. Hygiene. Part I: General Hygiene (Wiesbaden: Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1948), pp. 121-23. 119. Ibid., pp. 121-22. 120. Heinrich Kraut and Herbert Bramsel, "Der Calorienbedarf der Berufe," Arbeitsphysiologie 12 (1942): 197-221. 121. Lang, "Emahrung," p. 123. 122. Eduard Schratz, "'Deutscher Tee': Was er sein sollte und was er ist," Die Deutsche Heilpflanze 6 (1940): 112 ff. 123. Hans Geith, "Ratschlage fiir das Heilkrautersammeln mit Schulkinder," Die Deutsche Heilpflanze--Beilage, March 1936, p. 53. 124. Andreas Hock, "Die Zusammensetzung des Kaninchendepotfettes nach Verfiitterung eines gesattigen Fettes mit teilweise ungerader Kohlenstoffatomzahl," Die Emahrung 6 (1941): 278-81; Lang, "Emahrung." 125. Lang, "Emahrung," pp. 129-31. 126. Karl Glasser, "Die moglichst restlose Verwertung des Schlachttierblutes zur menschlichen Emahrung," Berliner und Miinchener Tierarztliche Wo chenschrift, July 12,1940, pp. 333-36. 127. Henry Huttenbach, "The Myth of Nazi Human Soap," Holocaust and Genocide Newsletter, February 1995, pp. 1-2.