Document 91NYp0Gjg4aYaOe2DqND2Da9V

FILE NAME: Baldwin (BALD) DATE: 0000 DOC#: BALD057 DOCUMENT DESCRIPTION: Book Excerpt -The Baldwin Workforce [The Baldwin Locomotive Workers] T H E BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS \ ; toll in deaths and injuries atTkildwin, often caused ny me pre-mue ti quieklv, is notable nonetheless. 1 he most reliable statistics on v oikpi.w: and injuries are from the company itself and date from 1903 n m, 1 eleven-vear period seventy-four men died in industrial amide; is. Men crushed by boiler shells falling from cranes, struck by tailing s: atting. o bv benzene explosions in the paint shop. '' Injury rates were tar lugiiei. example, in iyn -- a relatively safe year when the Baldv, in \\m storec upward of 15,500 men --over 1,800 men were injured, toughn m a u e total force. d he dangers arose largely from workers and managers skin ng sate ; m their rush to produce engines. In 1900 boilermaker Dominick O ; lost three toes after a chain broke while be was lifting a tsoilcr throat v with a crane. He had complained to his foreman about the d tective cl was told, "No; let her go until [it can be fixed on: Monday, g-- on win word." And in 191; machinist John C.ampbell lost an eye to a -ace, mg. a defective cutter bar on his boring machine. C ampbeil slum . d ; iu n mol to his foreman, but he was told to make me beet me tie mtu,1, o. ^titter utitii new ones were made. Since a; lea-,; me m the jolt at Baldwin had received treatment iron: ,;o.w bv the mmpanv. " But this provided scant ennem.arc, : injuries. 1 ksahihtv could threaten their mcom.es a v me. recuperated, how would their lalllilies e.u wiuu tP.es v.x Balclwm > skilled men addressed tnu, mic.-a ,,n., o.. . . M u t u a l R e l i e f H i n d A ssociation m : S 0 6 . S s t . i t . s i o n ; t o p r o v i d e n u i t u . l a s s i s t a n c e it ) live m e r m e n - a n o t ic c i d e m . , i d l e n e s s o r d e a t h , o u t ol a f t m d t o b e i \ r d \v of the membeis in season ot health and prosperitv. .vide m anagers had no role m the assoclation. whom le.meem v.etc l o n o s e n io r i t y . ' \ l u n a t e n i e n t p r o f u b k v lew eil l!it I n m . w =, . , , s though m utual aid b v em ployees eras certainly laudatory. stun me could casilv evolve inro an organized union. 1 be ascomruun manual original purpose, however, until dissolv ing sometime .o u i , vv. h. . an admirtance fee and monthly dues of 50 cents, members \ ho u i i r hr,si 11si- of sickness or accident receive (1 sw a week for die incapacity, with lesser payments thereafter. Alter a memper deatf heir received shod2 Such benefits offered only a meager sate- c net, mi fellow workers offered more assured protection than the nr Incss ot The bylaws of the association had one provision that underscored status of skilled workers at Baldwin: membership was limited to When leading skilled hands began the fund in 1866, Baldv. m- hide over eight hundred workers. The membership limit suggest that mi THE BALDWIN WORKFORCE H3 kbc iPisicie-^ontnii : >vs:cm suited tasks iike riveting up a boiler, since such work required he manaveniem >: large groups ot men working on unwieldy subassemblies. In this view rom the is^os the bov 'letb removed glowing-hot rivets from a furnace and passed them to he holder-on indde the boiler. He placed the rivet in a hole and backed it up while the arue tciu'w inp/;/; nammered or peened over the rivet head. Smithsonian in stit ciio n would associate with each other for their own benefit but felt an unbridgeable unit ot interests between themselves and the semiskilled and laboring men also working in the alantd1 For vears the company had sought to create bonds of mutual interest, with its skilled craftsmen; here they acted to reinforce their own group ties and distinct status. THE INSIDE-CO NTRACTING SYSTEM I he Baldwin men who sought prorecrion from accident or sickness in the Mutual Relief association utilized similar cooperative effort throughout their work. While piecework aimed to foster individual productivity, most tasks in locomotive bui ding required teamwork. Almost all skilled workmen depended on laborers or crane operators for help in setting up their work and moving materials. Tradesmen in boilermaking, smithing, forging, molding, and erecting all worked in g oups or gangs throughout the day. In cases of standard tasks, manv such gan is were no doubt receiving piece rates by the early 1870s, but group pressures probablv blunted the individual incentive for high output Baldwin sough' to foster. Other group work such as assembling boilers or 154 THE BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS Inside contracting quickly came to dominate in erecting work. In this view from the 1880s workers from a range of trades erect an engine in Baldwins 1869 erecting shop on Broad Street. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION erecting engines proved difficult to organize on a piecework basis, yet the firm also needed productivity improvements in these areas to avoid production bottlenecks. To deal with these and other problems, the Baldwin company instituted the inside contracting system in 1872. One of this eras few instances of labor unrest in the plant impelled its adoption. During the summer of 1872 the Eight-Hour Movement swept through eastern manufacturing centers, par ticularly New dork City. Workers at Singer Sewing, Machine, an American System manufacturer, struck when that firm refused to shorten its hours of work.*4 In June the workforces of the three Paterson (N.J.) locomotive build ers-C ooke, Grant, and Rogers --also walked off the job. In Philadelphia two thousand cabinetmakers held a mass meeting on June n to lobby for the shorter workday, and shortly thereafter they went on strike.85 Baldwin's workforce also became caught up in the movement, but before the men went so far as to strike for the eight-hour day, the company's super intending partner, Charles Parry, wrote them an open letter. It was addressed to "that higher grade of our workmen who unite judgment with intelligence, specifically the skilled men essential to production.86 Parry argued against the notion that the eight-hour system would result in higher wages by decreasing the quantity of labor in the economy at large. He also noted that such an enforced change would cut the company's return on fixed capital by 20 percent. But he said, "Your right to work eight hours is not disputed by us,' noting. If you want it you can have it, but if you take it, you must bear the loss incident to its adoption equally with your employers." Parry enjoyed great respect among workmen, having first entered Baldwin as a fifteen-year-old apprentice in 1836, and his letter cooled the ardor of the eight-hour advocates. Baldwin's employees stayed on the job. Parry knew that such a letter might fail to prevent a strike in the future, and so he instituted the inside-contract system.87 Contracting offered a number of advantages to the company. If the rank and file were broken into productive subunits, general labor movements such as the eight-hour drive would be less THE BALDWIN WORKFORCE 155 The meat variety of work in progress inside Baldwins 1890 erecting shop suggests \\h> contractors' oversight and adaptability were so important in building heavy capital equipment. In this room dozens of designs stood circa 1900 in varying stages of completion; finishing each required a complex senes of sequential operations. In such a shop, foremen found it difficult enough merely to see workers, let alone guide their work, but contractors had the experience and the incentive to get the product out the door. Pe n n s y l v a n i a MUSEUM AND HISTORICAL COMMISSION likely to enlist the entire force. Contracting also put day-labor tasks under what amounted to group piecework, since the contractor would bid by the piece or job. This would improve productivity, particularly in assembly work. Finally, contracting allowed increased managerial oversight, at a time when the workforce numbered over twenty-five hundred men, without adding to the ranks of central management or increasing overhead costs. It has been said that companies adopted contracting in "an attempt to 156 TH E BALDW IN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS control the craft system from the inside" by enlisting skilled men in a mana gerial role.88 The Baldwin case suggests another motive, however. B y 1872 labor specialization under piecework had already mortally wounded the craft orientation o f most work. Evidently Baldwin instituted contracting mainly to extend the productivity and cost-cutting benefits derived from piecework to tasks not easily organized on an individual piece-rate basis. Such assembly work as tanks, cabs, tender frames, brakes, and trucks were difficult to put under piecework, since designs varied so greatly from one order to the next. Assembly and erecting workers could also face delays awaiting parts held up in other shops, delays that again blocked piece rates. B y putting these assembly jobs under contracting, Baldwin secured close supervision, a faster pace o f production, and a piece-rate price for the work, leaving the contractor to manage any problems, variations, or uncertainties. As a company executive noted in 1903, " The contractor is a piece-worker on a larger scale. As he is paid by the job, he has the incentive to turn out his work as quickly as possible and to get as much as possible out o f the men under him." 89 Contractors were generally older men with long seniority who had worked their way up to the position. On small-scale contracts with only a few employees, contractors worked alongside their men, but in other cases these quasi managers oversaw hundreds o f workers and acted solely as supervisors. In either case contractors were leaders in the workforce, princelings in the aristocracy o f labor. Their high income provided one measure o f contractors' special status. Circa 19 10 --a year o f strong locomotive sales and much work in the plant-- their average annual wages ranged from $1,600 to $3,ooo.90 Such totals matched or exceeded foremen's incomes, while the average annual wage o f all workers, skilled and unskilled combined, stood at $723 in 1910.91 Since the company knew its contractors' profits precisely, it evidently paid such high wages to ensure close supervision and high productivity. Before bidding on a job, contractors selected their workers and negotiated pay rates with them--with their foreman's approval.92 Contractors could not seek advantage by depressing wage rates very far, since the company prohibited clear exploitation, and skilled men in the force avoided such contractors. As a visitor at American Locomotive noted, the contractor "has to be sharp and use the best methods for getting a good output, or the men will not work for him." 93 This resulted in another set o f mutualist ties in the plant, based on the producer culture, as productive contractors developed long-term relationships with hardworking men in the skilled force. Contractors had to entice these men with prospects o f good earnings and mutual benefit, rather than chisel them for personal gain. Contractors paid a mix o f hourly and piece-rate wages, depending on the task at hand and their workers' receptivity to either form o f THE BALDWIN WORKFORCE payment.''' The co itraenng system itself encouraged use of piece rates, since a contractor constantly sought per-unit efficiencies while knowing that the size of ;c contract woulc automatically limit his pieceworkers' total earnings/'5 (..ontractors an unalous position as both managers and workers and their '.es to their men became apparent following the 1893 cut in piece rates. This to Percent reduction vas first applied to the workforce of two joint contractors, homas Roberts a cd Samuel Mettler, making boiler stavbolts.96 When their :so workers struck m protest, Roberts and Mettler pleaded with superintendent auclam to roll ba :k the cut to 5 percent. The cut threatened the incomes of ' orh contractors a id their workers, since all had to share the loss. And with yneir men on strike Roberts and Mettler earned nothing at all for the duration ic it happened, th . strike collapsed within a day after Baldwin announced ' lie first of two the usand layoffs.'1 I his brief incident well illustrates how ontractors could lepresent the interests of their men, particularly in less dire .'nations. ( onrractors bo ids with employees represented another set o f ties that emcnteCi various groupings among workers. Beneath the individualized 1 roilueer culture h >tered ny piecework, ties of trades, skills, family, ethnicity, y ygion. and neighnorhood stretched across the workforce. These mutual ' .cations regularly 'laved their part in labor recruitment, job assignments, pay 1 y y alid layoffs. Piecework set the overall pace of work, but these mutual ` s' .'.meliorated th. driven individualism the partners sought to foster. Such : yatioawhips often >erred the company s interests as well. Men who had ' uemen to tnunk or nirmg their sons, contractors who showed iovaltv to their 'oriviorces and received it in return, and blacksmiths who trained their helpers 1 me trade were c eating bonds that aided the company s long-term strength I ) VA N (CHM H\ T A N D P R O M O T I O N S ' >pportur.me$ for vomotion were another aspect of working life at Baldwin .luring me Cntided Vge that heightened cooperation between managers and . oikcrs and relieved potential discontents among skilled workers. Piecework, 1 le cpecializanon ci tasks, and the incessant drive for productivity' were pressing ' unties tor worker. at any given moment. Over the passage of time, however, haklwms great expansion affected mens working lives the most. In every decade from i8_o to 1900 the company's workforce essentially doubled in size, g.owing horn an a' erage of 1.455 men m 1870 to 8,208 in 1900. The firm came : >rely upon internal promotions of experienced workers to cope with this i eiter-skelter grow 0. Cirowth enables: managers to narrow work tasks further, the division of 1 nor expanding as output increased, but it also created new opportunities for THE BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS advancement. This occurred in a variety o f ways. VvTien men with true craft training were drawn to Baldwin by the high pay, they worked in tasks requiring only a narrow portion o f their training and skill. That expertise remained, however. As the force expanded, these men moved into higher-paying work that utilized more of their skills. Thus a craft-trained molder could move up from simple castings to pouring locomotive cylinders -- still specialized work, but requiring great skill nonetheless. The group orientation of many tasks opened another avenue for promotions through on-the-job training. As the company grew, blacksmiths' helpers became smiths themselves, ancl rivet holders became riveters.98 As a visitor noted in 1895, "Every mechanic who shows powers beyond the sphere o f his employment is advanced until his limit o f usefulness is reached. Throughout the Gilded Age the firm narrowed the tasks and skills required in production, but growth also allowed a minority to move up in skills and pav. Some blue-collar workers also rose into Baldwin's managerial ranks. The firm's policy was "to make promotions from within, foremen, bosses or superintendents are not imported. 100 Seven o f Baldwin's craft apprentices became departmental foremen during the Gilded Age. Others moved into quasi-managerial positions as draftsmen, contractors, and delivery engineers. Draftsmen in turn took up sales positions and jobs in production management. Similar patterns held true for the highest ranks o f the company. Five o f the firm's Gilded Age partners had entered the company as teenagers, working their ssa\ up from the ranks o f clerks, draftsmen, and apprentices. While only a select group o f workers moved into top management, substan tial numbers rose up limited ladders o f promotion. Hard work and loyalrv to the firm were required for advancement; these men had decided to cast their lot with that o f the company. But even workers who did not identify with the firm knew that most o f their managers could partly identify with them, having once been workers themselves. Managers and most skilled men shared a common ethnic background, further binding these two groups, while ethnicitv also separated skilled from unskilled workers.101 These factors helped to heighten the cooperative relations prevailing between management and labor at Baldwin. It is difficult to summarize the character of life on the job at Baldwin between i860 and 1900 because so much was in transition, and different employees and trades had very different experiences and opportunities within this context o f change. In general terms, however, the workforce passed through three broad stages between i860 and 1900. In i860 skilled work retained a crafting character, although artisan traditions had never been firmly rooted in many o f the new trades required in machinery building. From the 1860s to the 1890s Baldwin's employees were transformed from craft to Industrial workers. THE BALDWIN WORKFORCE hereafter narrowly .killed industrial operatives accounted for the majority of .. c force. Throughout the entire period, management clearly exerted control w cr the broad character o f work, using its power vigorously to recast operations - a ig industrial lines Its chief instrument was piecework, which subdivided 'knled crafts into job specialties, curtailed soldiering, and boosted productivity. but workers had jiower too, thanks to their skills and the influence thev wrted o\er the pace of production. Baldwin's severe limits on the number of n.magement personr el also promoted workers' autonomy. The key success of . u.Jw ins producer c ilture was its ability to foster the strengths and powers encompassed in manigement and in labor, so that for a half century both contributed to production without clashing. Each side offered enough value i i the other, and each respected the other sufficiently, that both could focus or their common g o ; b u i l d i n g locomotives. Baldwin's workers derived . cisiderable pride frt m their work. Rather than calling themselves machinists 1 .lonermakers. mane preferred the title " locomotive builder." 102 iEA T T L E G R O U N D H R M E E T I N G G R O U N D ? '' ' n `Ue-mneteentl -century workplaces, particularly in metalworking, are .1oumonly seen as ba tlegrounds between capital and labor. According to this c * ii managers sought an increasingly directive and assertive role over the u vent and pace o f w o r k - a n effort that skilled craft workers fought bitterfv -cm their pow er bast as the practitioners and guardians o f the craft knowledge -sc anal to production03 By the 1920s craft labor had succumbed to manageuc ; t s Tivlonst assau ts. Although a tidy drama, it scarcely applies to Baldwin, "e argest metalwork ng employer in America during this period. Whv? . he answer is in tl ree parts. First there is the matter o f management and its p.MCies. The Baldwin case suggests that Frederick Taylor came in the middle u: a long lineage of m magerial systematize, not at the beginning. Between i m : and 1S-2 Baldwin installed piecework, standardized parts, regularized pAOc.ucnon processes in achieving interchangeability, and created design and . c c uction controls o-er work. In sum, the company took a highly directive m o\er production t senty to thirty years before the supposed origins of the 0 Muriatic management movement. Baldwin's Gilded Age growth saw it extend t ecework and adopt contracting. By the 1870s the company's workers were : c,coming industrial o "eratives, possessing only vestiges o f a crafting past. They Ainmned skilled, but 1 heirs was a narrow expertise, defined by the company's moas rather than by c 'aft training. This raises the seco id factor: workers lacked sufficient power to resist these 11,magerial encroachments. Piecework and contracting splintered the workoicc, hindering group consciousness and action. Boilermakers, for example, end not readily take on management when they wore themselves divided I. . ''ili1 , 11:11 ii:! ' . . . . . . . . . i ' i : 160 THE BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS Finished cast-iron cylinders and steam pipes bolted to forged and machined engine frames. Making thu relatively small number o f parts required tic work of patternmakers, coremakers, molders. blacksmiths, machinists, and laborers. HAGLEY MUSEUM AND LIBRARY Two finished wheel sets stood on this wagon, the larger diamerei for fast passenger service and the smaller for a slow freight engine. Notwithstanding their size, such wheel sets called for precise machining. Steel tires were turned and then heat-shrunk onto the cast-iron wheel centers. The crankpins and axles were pressed into holes, measured to the thousandth of an inch, bored in the wheel. Then the whole wheel set. weighing upwards of 5.000 pounds, was turned on a wheel lathe to ensure that all drivers had the same diameter, h a g l : y mu s e u m AND LIBRARY Above and opposite: In 1887 Philadelphians held a great parade to honor the centennial of the U.S. Constitution. Baldwin mounted an impressive spectacle for the proce sion. On a dozen norse-drawn wagons the firm displayed examples of all the finished compel tents that entered mto a locomotive. They underscored the range o f trades and skills found at Baldwin --even after three decades of piecework and labor specialization. The parade also demonstrated how by the 1880s the work of locomotive building had become oriented along 1 idustrial, rather than craft, lines. In the machine makers' procession of 1844 described in ch apter 1 Baldwin s men walked with other Philadelphia craftsmen in a parade organized by tr. des. In 1887 the workers marched in groups organized by the shops they worked in, rather 1ban bv their varied trades. Although they remained skilled, here was physical evidence 0f their transformation from craft to industrial workers. The work o f the patternmakers and carpenters. Patternmakers made wooden ^ ^ rtio ckups for the molds used to cast parts V ir fm ^ o r brass, including the cylinder, s ^ s p i ^ ^ s r i d driving-wheel patterns showrf^fe^Steafis,pipe molds in turn needed cores made by other skilled workers to create hollow castings. Carpenters built the engine cab in their own shop, sending the complete cab to the erecting shop, h a g l e y m u s e u m AND LIBRARY Locomotives required hundreds of machined detail parts like cranxpins, finials, nuts, and bolts. Making these parts to precise and interchangeable standards was an idea o f self-evident value, although it required new production controls and changed the character o f machinists' work. HAGLEY MUSEUM AND LIBRARY THE BALDWIN WORKFORCE 161 Pulled by a team o f thirty-two horses, this locomotive must have been a show-stopper in the parade, with steam up and the drivers slowly revolving on rollers. Built to the meter gauge for the Dom Pedro Segundo Railway o f Brazil, this 4-4-0 bore Baldwin construction number 8,780. Part o f batch order o f two, it sold for $8,200 and came with a guaranteed performance rating to haul 95 long tons on a 2 percent grade, h a g l e y m u s e u m a n d l i b r a r y I62 TH E BALDW IN LOCOMOTIVE WORKS into leading men, helpers, flangefs, flanging helpers, chippers and caulkers, riveters, and rivet holders. Employment fluctuations further divided the men into temporary, semipermanent, and long-term workers. These tenure rankings roughly matched skill levels, a further point o f division. Management possessed unity, but labor found itself divided, making protest difficult. Workers did not even try to resist management's mounting influence over the character o f work, raising the third point. Baldwin secured their consent through cooperative labor-management relations, high pay, and its producer culture. The partners created these policies to serve their conception o f the company's long-term interest. Workers, particularly the skilled men, generally believed that those interests sufficiently accorded with their own needs to be worth supporting. Baldwin's workplace culture required individual initiative and high productivity as its first criteria. In exchange for the piecework and specialization needed to achieve that productivity, workers received high pay, and over time they garnered substantial increases in real wages. In dealing with workers Baldwin's partners truly believed that "we are as much your employees as you are ours," a view echoed in 1903 by another executive who wrote that "the policy o f the firm is to make the interests o f the men identical with its own." 104 It would be easy to dismiss such words as pandering patter, but they truly summarized the firm's cooperative policies. These policies offered sufficient value to enough workers to defuse conflict and promote accommodation at Baldwin for fifty years. When discord erupted in i860 and in 19 10 -11, it followed a breakdown in Baldwin's cooperative relations with workers. In both cases competitive pressures in the locomotive industry caused the firm to curtail its high-wage policy. As a consequence, workers walked off the job. During the intervening half century o f labor peace, Baldwin derived sub stantial competitive advantages from its cooperative relations with workers and its producer culture. Over that period the company's share o f the growing market for locomotives rose from 24 percent to 39 percent, while workers' productivity increased fourfold between 1850 and 1900. Here Baldwin reaped the benefit o f its workplace policies.105 Labor received high wages, and in return Baldwin took firm control over production. How.it used that power in building locomotives is our next subject. 0 1 /2 5 /1 9 9 1 7194553658 ROVEN PAGE 02 NOTES TO PACES Com parativi data on accident rates in the steel industry vs, the ` machine building industry" (he., capital equipm ent firn ) a n found 'n Cheney and H anna, "Accidents," p. 9. T he lane o f severe injuries in locom otive building was h alf that in the steel industry, but the injury rare am ong workers in locom otive plants was double that o f machine builders generally. 7$. These are the actual causes o f death o f three Baldwin men as listed in Pmnsyhmnia IndustrialStatistics Report, voi. 20 (1892), p. 110F. Eleven-year death statistics from C 1R Report, 3:2867. 76. C IR Report, 3:2924. 7 7 . N ew ly hired employees accounted for m ost o f the dead and injured (ibid., p. 2866). Baldw in was not unconcerned about the com bined influences o f inexperience and haste on the accident cate. Ga, 1900 the following notice was posted in the plant: "O w ing to the . . , num ber o f men who are continually being taken on . . . every precaution should be taken to prevent accidents , . . [in] you r effort to get out the most w ork in the least possible rim e" (cited in lo lm an . SocialEngineering, pp. 114 -15)- But posting a notice was different from ensuring th ai its instructions w en followed. 78. O'Dowd v, Burnham and C am piti! k Baldw in Locomotive W ork. O 'D ow d and Cam pbell sued Baldwin fo t damages after their injuries. In such cases the firm invariably mounted vigorous defenses and appeals, suggesting a general strategy to discourage all claims by m aintaining a reputation for legal intransigence--a common stance among industrial employers. Baldwin generally won these cases, often under the fellow-servant rule (applied in O 'Dowd), although it Ion in C om piili. Injured men who did not sue often received low-paying sinecures such as watchman's jolts. 79. O U T 10/ti: M . W . Baldwin 8c C o. to C . G . Steer, M .D ., Nov. 13 ,18 8 1, BLW - H SP. ' 80. Pennsylvania IndustriaiStatistics Report, voL 15 (1887), p. 32B- r* 81. The association incorporated in 1870 (Laws o fthe GeneralAssembly o fthe Srntt o f Pennsylvania [1870], pp. 1293-96): among its nine incorporators were the fhthets o f two Baldwin apprentices, suggesting the seniority and special status o f the incorporators. 82. Pennsylvania IndustrialStatistics Report, voi. 15 (1887), pp. 38B-39B. 83. A search for the incorporators in the m anuscript schedules o f the 1870 U .S. Population Census uncovered three out o f the nine: an erector, a blacksm ith, and an iron molder. This suggests that skilled men had stronger ties across trades than they had with the sem iskilled and laboring men o f their own departments. T he lim it probably rose as Baldwin's force grew, but in its first year only 90 percent o f the force could have joined the association. 84. A good prim ary source on developments in New York is "Appeal to the M achinists and Blacksm iths o fAm erica," M achinist?and Blaekrm ishs'InternationalJournal, p. 33See also M ontgomery. Fait o fthe House o fLabor, pp. 193-94, The Strike,was no problem 0 Singer, since it had fifty thousand finished machines k id up in inventory, and it could sit the workers out {New Urr Tones, June 6, 1872, p. 4). The builders o f custom capirai equipm ent lacked this latitude when labor unrest threatened production. 85. Philadelphia Public Ledger, Ju ly 2 7 ,18 7 2 , p. 1 (Paterson), and June 12 and 1$, 1872, both p. j (cabinetmakers). 86. Charles T. Parry to "Messrs. J . Brown and others," June 2 0 ,18 7 2. uncataloged, D EG . 87. Vauclain and M ay, Steaming Up, p. 18 1, and Richards, ` Cooperative Contract System ," p, 3. 88. Clawson, Bureaucracy and the la b o r Proteo, p. 94. 9. C or 90. Anr o f W illiam incomes foi presidents contractors 91. Fore average wot DEG. 92. B L\ Scrapbook, Report, } :t i 93. Fow is in error n ten d W orker, 94. Hot ing, see " StJ 95. Con effort to rru contain the challenge C workforces 96. "Stri 97- "L*) 98. C IR Sundstrom, 99. Arn: 100. Cot u. The 16,21] men i Polish (9 pe (4 percent), nationalities f. "ethnic" tha industrial er boro w h ite, coal miners 19 0 7-8 , in " Baldwin's cc Philadelphia bom white | contrast to l 102. M ai responding 1 109. T hif Process, Mon others. 104. Gha D E G , and C 05/05/97 11:27 TX/RX NO.0080 P.002