Document 2J79GNQpX7BLJn2JaYmydxn0a

312 NOTES TO PAGES 111-15 148. Hans-Wilfrid Wedler, Klinik der Lungenasbestose (Leipzig: Georg Thieme, 1939), p. 68. 149. Martin Nordmann and Adolf Sorge, "Lungenkrebs durch Asbeststaub im Tierversuch/' Zeitschrift fur Krebsjbrschung 51 (1941): 168-82. 150. Welz, "Weitere Beobachtungen," p. 537. 151. Nordmann and Soige, "Limgenkrebs," p. 169. 152. Hueper, Occupational Tumors, pp. 399-405; Barry I. Castleman, "Asbes tos and Cancer: History and Public Policy," British Journal ofIndustrial Medicine 48 (1991): 427-30. Asbestos-induced lung cancer was actually officially recog nized in 1940, in one of the Merkblatt commentaries on compensable occupa tional illnesses; see the Monatsschriftfur Krebsbekdmpfung 7 (1940): 214-15. 153. David Ozonoff, "Failed Warnings: Asbestos-Related Disease and In dustrial Medicine," in The Health and Safety of Workers, ed. Ronald Bayer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 140. 154. Eberhard Gross, "Das Cardnom vom Standpunkt des Gewerbetoxikologen," in Adolf Butenandt et al., Chemie und Krebs (Berlin: Chemie, 1940), pp. 101-2: 155. Franz Koelsch, Was weisst Du von Berufskrankheiten und Gewerbehygiene? (Berlin: Arens, 1944), p. 25. 156. Enterline, "Changing Attitudes," p. 691; "German writers had made up their minds about the relationship between asbestos and lung cancer by 1943" (ibid.). 157. References can be found in ibid., pp. 692-93. Richard Doll by this time had already given solid epidemiologic evidence for the link; see his "Mortality from Lung Cancer in Asbestos Workers," British Journal of Industrial Medicine 12 (1955): 81-82. 158. Richard Doll, personal comunication. 159. Sellers, "Discovering Environmental Cancer," pp. 1824-35; compare also Harry M. Marks, The Progress of Experiment: Science and Therapeutic Reform in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 136-63. 160. Lothar Horbach and Hans Loskant, Berufskrebsstudie: Forschungsbericht, Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (Boppard: Bold, 1981). Horbach and Loskant estimated that as many as 20 percent of all cancers in the general population were of occupational origins. 161. Hien, Chemische Industrie, pp. 213-71. 162. Oswald Bumke, Erinnerungen und Betrachtungen: Der Weg eines deutschen Psychiaters (Munich: Pflaum, 1952), p. 145. 163. Trials of War Criminals, 8:577. 164. Rehn, "Blasengeschwiilste," pp. 588-600; David Michaels, "Waiting for the Body Count: Corporate Decision Making and Bladder Cancer in the U.S. Dye Industry," Medical Anthropology Quarterly, n.s., 2 (1988): 215-32. 165. Hueper, Occupational Tumors, pp. 470-71. Fritz Curschmann as early as 1920 noticed that bladder cancers usually developed "only after many years of work" with aniline dyes; see his "Statistische Erhebungen fiber Blasentumoren bei Arbeitem in der chemischen Industrie," Zentralblatt fiir Gewerbehygiene 8 (1920): 145-49. NOTES TO PAGES 115-18 313 166. "Verordnung iiber Ausdehnung der Unfallversicherung auf gewerbliche Berufskrankheiten," Reichsgesetzblatt 1 (1925): 69-70. Germany modified its occupational health legislation in 1929 and again in 1936; the 1936 law in creased the number of compensable illnesses but made it more difficult for workers to obtain compensation for work-related injuries; see "Dritte Ver ordnung fiber Ausdehnung der Unfallversicherung auf Berufskrankheiten vom 16. Dezember 1936," Reichsgesetzblatt 1 (1936): 1117; also "Die entschadigungspflichtigen Berufskrankheiten," Arbeitsschutz 3 (1940): 19-29. 167. Staemmler, "Beruf und Krebs," p. 122. 168. Hueper, Occupational Tumors, p. 474. 169. B(etina?) Ewerbeck, "Ein Gang durch das Werk," Gesundheitsfiihrung, November 1940, p. 429, cited in Hien, Chemische Industrie, pp. 224-25. Hien notes that I. G. Farben in 1939 published an article on "the myth of aniline dyes being poisonous" (p. 257). 170. L. Simon, "Dauererfolge der operativen Behandlung von Anilintumoren," Zentralblatt fiir Gewerbehygiene 7 (1930): 78-80; also his "Prognose und Behandlung der sogenannten Anilintumoren der Blase," in Verhandlungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Chirurgie (Berlin: J. Springer), pp. 709-11. Both articles are cited in Hien, Chemische Industrie, p. 220. Curschmann in 1920 failed to produce bladder tumors in experiments using dogs; see his "Sta tistische Erhebungen," pp. 145-46. Wilhelm Hueper eventually succeeded where Curschmann failed; see his paper with F. H. Wiley and H. D. Wolfe, "Experimental Production of Bladder Tumors in Dogs by Administration of Beta-Naphthylamine," Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 20 (1938): 4684. 171. Ernst W. Baader, "Berufekrebs," in Adam and Auler, Neuere Ergebnisse, pp. 104-28. 172. Koelsch was a Prussian conservative along the lines of the Deutschnationale Partei; he developed an exhibit on industrial hygiene for Dresden's Hygiene Museum and authored an influential textbook on occupational dis ease that went through several editions from 1937 through 1966 (Lehrbuch der Arbeitshygiene, published by Enke of Stuttgart). 173. There are other reasons to doubt the accuracy or completeness of can cer registries. Falling between the cracks were workers who left a carcinogenic line of work and later developed cancer, and no one knows how many of the German soldiers who died in the war (five to six million) might have eventu ally developed cancer. 174. Gine Eisner, "Die Betriebsarzte der IG Farben-Werke," in Pax Medica: Stationen arztlichen Friedensengagements und Verirrungen drztlichen Militarismus, ed. W. Beck, G. Eisner, and H. Mausbach (Hamburg: VSA, 1986), pp. 42-62; Hien, Chemische Industrie, pp. 233-38. 175. Brooks, Hitler's Nuclear Weapons, p. 123. 176. Hermann Kaienburg, "Vemichtung durch Arbeit": Der Fall Neuengamme (Bonn: J.H.W. Dietz, 1990). 177. Hans Reiter, "Arbeitshygiene und Vierjahresplan," in his Das.Reichs- gesutidheitsamt, 1933-1939: Sechs Jahre nationalsozialistische Fuhrung (Berlin: