Document xqxKDnOrm91wG1D9djG2mN6G
Health Policy Advisory Center
HEALTH HEALTH HEALTH HEALTH
Volume 15, Number 6
PAC
BULLETIN
LOSSES
IN
PROFITS
INSIDE
Outpatient Dumping
in Chicago
14
" Experts " on
the Future
17
Peer
Review
To the Editor:
I have decided not to sign up to par- "
ticipate " in Medicare and thereby accept
" assignment " of all fees on all Medicare
visits for the year under the new legisla-
tion. I want to explain why.
I have a solo private practice in a rather
poor rural area in Columbia County of
upstate New York. I like it here. I came
to try to put into effect some ideas and
ideals I held after many years in com-
munity medicine in hospitals, health
centers, academic life, and medical-
political activism and writing in New
York and New Haven. My practice tilts
toward geriatric care because that is an
area where I have interest and skill. I
practice largely in the office and rather
little in the hospital. I do more house
calls in a week than most doctors do in
six months. My fees are among the
lowest in this county. I charge $ 20 for a
first short visit, 18 $ for a follow - up, $ 45
for a first complete history and physical,
$ 30 for a weekday house call, and $ 40
for one required at nights or on week-
ends. I do a lot of " cognitive medicine, "
that is, I listen to my patients and I talk
with them. I do very few procedures for
which a lot of money can be made in a
very short time. At a time when other
doctors feel forced to cut back on it, I see
a very large proportion of Medicaid and
other low income patients from whom
the return in fees is never even worth the
time and expense of billing.
I net a little over $ 30,000 a year.
Generally I have taken assigment from
Medicare on hospital cases because the
sums are larger than on office bills, - and
they, without assignment, also represent
a burden for the patient. And I have taken
assignment on other bills when re-
quested to do so. The result of all this is
that my Medicare feel profile over recent
years is so low as to make city doctors
laugh. I must add that the amount au-
thorized by Medicare is the lowest of the
present actual charge, the past pattern of
charges for similar visits, and a weighted
percentage of the prevailing community
pattern for such visits. If I I were forced
to take assignment across the board I
would get about $ 15 for a 30 minute
house call plus about 20 minutes'drive
each way. And I would suffer a major cut
in income from work in the office
Tony Bale
Judy Berek
Howard Berliner
Carl Blumenthal
Robert Brand
Pamela Brier
Robb Burlage
Michael E. Clark
Tina Dobsevage
Peg Gallagher
Sally Guttmacher
Dana Hughes
Louanne Kennedy
Health / PAC Bulletin
November December - 1984
Board of Editors
David Kotelchuck
Ronda Kotelchuck
Arthur Levin
Nonceba Lubanga
Steven Meister
Cheryl Merzel
Patricia Moccia
Virginia Reath
Hila Richardson
David Rosner
Hal Strelnick
Richard Younge
Editor: Jon Steinberg
Staff: Roxanne Cruiz, Debra De Palma, David Steinhardt, Loretta
Wavra
Associates: Des Callan, Mardge Cohen, Barry Ensminger, Marsha Hurst, Mark Kleiman,
Sylvia Law, Alan Levine, Joanne Lukomnik, Kate Pfordresher, Susan Reverby, Alex Rosen,
Gel Stevenson, Ann Umemoto, Rick Zall.
MANUSCRIPTS, COMMENTS, LETTERS TO THE EDITOR, AND
SUBSCRIPTION ORDERS should be addressed to Health / PAC,
17 Murray St., New York, N.Y. 10007.
Subscription rates are $ 17.50 for individuals, $ 35 for institutions.
ISSN 0017-9051
1984 Health / PAC. The Health / PAC Bulletin is published bimonthly. Second class
postage paid at New York, N.Y. Postmaster: Send address changes to Health / PAC
Bulletin, 17 Murray St., New York, NY 10007. The Health / PAC Bulletin is distributed to
bookstores by Carrier Pigeon, 75 Kneeland St., Room 309, Boston, MA 0211.
Design: Three to Make Ready Graphics / 1985
Cover by Aleksandar Nikitin.
Typeset by Kells Typography, Inc.
Articles in the Bulletin are indexed in the Health Planning and Administration data base
of the National Library of Medicine and the Alternative Press Index. Microforms of the
Bulletin are available from University Microfilms International, 300 Zeeb Rd., Dept.
T.R., Ann Arbor, MI 48106.
because that is where most of patient
visits occur.
My medical income is certainly in the
lowest tenth percentile of medical in-
comes across the country. It in no sense
higher than that of many professional,
business, and even many retired people
in my community. Hence I cannot take
a major reduction in that by way of
forced Medicare assignment. And I do
not seek now to raise my fees.
This legislation makes no attack on the
massive profiteering by many physicians
who charge high fees, let alone the for-
profit hospital chains and equipment
manufacturers. Under the current Medi-
care fee structure hospital, surgical and
technical fees far surpass those of any
country in the world. It pays doctors ac-
cording to their past profile, so that the
highest chargers keep on getting high
rates and the lowest chargers keep on get-
ting low rates for the same work. The im-
pact this has on primary care medicine
is obvious.
In essence, this means Medicare rein-
forces class medicine, in which there is
one system of medical care for the rich
and another for the poor, with the doc-
continued on page 28
Erratum
In the article " Terminal Timidity " by
Vicente Navarro in our July August -
issue, there is no footnote five in the text;
in the references, number six should be
number five, number seven should be
six, and so on to the end. Our apologies
for this editing error.
2
Health / PAC Bulletin
Notes & Comment
Virtually all of us know of at least one elderly person who
has been hospitalized or placed in a nursing home for lack of
adequate home care- care- or, more accurately, for lack of insurance
or other means to pay for adequate home care. The result is
often not only emotional trauma and even premature death,
but a substantial waste of money.
At a recent meeting sponsored by the Hospital Research and
Educational Fund Trust, Patrice Feinstein of the Health Care
Financing Administration (HCFA) seemed to agree. She sug-
gested that Medicaid might change its policies to permit social
and support services such as home care, adding, " We don't
know how cost effective these approaches would be. If they
turn out to be cost effective, what a marvelous breakthrough. "
The problem is, this formulation is more ambiguous than
it seems. If paying someone to clean house and bring a hot meal
for an enfeebled person every day or two turns out be cheaper
than placing that person in an institution, this would seem more
a vindication of common sense than a remarkable break-
through. For the Reagan Administration, however, " cost effec-
tive " really means cheaper, and in this case the two may be on
opposite sides of the bottom line.
It is very possible that if home care were provided under
Medicare and Medicaid, the number of people who requested
it would not be limited to those who would go into an institu-
tion without it. If the government paid for this care for everyone
who needed it - that is, for everyone who would suffer severe
hardship without it the - number of people qualifying would
probably number in the tens of millions. Providing them with
this modicum of comfort would certainly far outweigh savings
from the reduced cost of care for those spared unnecessary
entry into a hospital or nursing home.
But here it is important to add that the only costs considered
are the government's. (We can leave aside the vast unquantifi-
able suffering hidden behind millions of doors, since this has
no financial value and could not be assimilated by HCFA's com-
puters, or David Stockman.) It might well be that in terms of
the financial outlay of society as a whole, the current policy
of benign neglect is not cost effective.
By not providing reimbursement for home care, the govern-
ment throws the incapacitated into the marketplace. This is
hardly their most secure environment, since the governing
principle there is survival of the fittest. What they find is
hospitals and hospital chains vertically integrating to provide
(for those who can pay) services ranging from skilled nurs-
ing homes to residential communities for the elderly to home
care assistance and emergency medical backup. Individuals
are shifted from one to the other on the basis of what the parent
health care organization - perhaps known as a " Health Care
Campus " or " Social Health Maintenance Organization " -finds
most profitable.
>
Looking Back and Looking Ahead
Looking back at the results of the 1984 elections many of
us may feel like folding our arms over our heads in despair.
For those of us who are health care providers and profes-
sionals, there is always the urge to slip back from our day to
day work for justice and equality into the fragmented flurry
of everyday life - working hard as individuals to deliver the best
medical services we can, then just living for ourselves and our
families, voting for " good folks " at election times and maybe
giving a little money from time to time to groups such as
Health / PAC.
Our readers, like many other Americans, know that
Reaganomics is a disaster which will not preserve, much less
enhance, our national economic wealth; a clumsy, bear - like
swipe by the wealthy for a bigger piece of our shrinking na-
tional pie.
These policies will fail, but we don't intend to await their
demise passively. We can't. Single mothers with children,
people on welfare, blue collar - manufacturing workers, minor-
ity peoples are all suffering too much. They need jobs, access
to decent health care, and other improved human services now.
If Washington and state capitals aren't listening to these
needs, we have to make them listen by organizing local
grassroots movements to assure health care for the poor, the
unemployed and senior citizens. We must develop local agen-
das which reaffirm health care as a human right, not as a
privilege for those who can afford it and a favor for those who
can't.
What we do now can have a far greater impact on whether
the U.S. turns left or right after the failure of Reaganomics than
almost anything we will be able to do after the failure is
manifest. Let's go on with it together -
, now.
0
Peer Review
Vital Signs
Losses In Profits
Bulletin Board
CONTENTS
2459
2459
2459
13, 19
The Base of the Iceberg
Future Shuck
Media Scan
Body English
14
17
20
29
Health / PAC Bulletin
3
Vital Signs
Roeing and Wadeing in
Hot Water
President Reagan has finally con-
demned violent attacks on abortion
clinics, but as many supporters of abor-
tion have pointed out, the tone the Ad-
ministration has set is more important
than a single statement. It would be easy
to suspect that policy makers are more
worried that the use of violence by the
unauthorized could spread from attacks
on abortion clinics and black teenagers
in the New York subways to other, less
worthy targets - it was, after all, Chris-
tian Crusaders who sacked Christian
Byzantium. Worse, it could stimulate
violence from quarters less congenial to
the Administration.
From this perspective, the state seems
to have developed at least one method of
having its cake and eating it too, at least
in Tallahassee, Florida. The Christian
Action Council of Tallahassee, local
branch of a national organization of the
same name, declares that it " concentrates
its efforts on the lobbying of our national
leaders to change the current liberal laws
concerning abortion and seeks the rever-
sal of the 1973 Supreme Court decision
Roe v. Wade, which has since facilitated
the abortion of more than 15 million
babies in America. [It] is also actively
involved in the establishment of counsel-
ing centers around the country to serve
the pregnant woman in her time of need
and to inform her about the facts of what
an abortion really is. "
What it " really is, " being, of course, the
murder of babies. If murder is involved,
it is logical to conclude that law enforce-
ment officials should be- and they are.
Among the four co chairs -
of the Talla-
hassee Christian Action Council are
William Scott, Jr., the city's Assistant
Chief of Police, and William Meggs,
State Attorney.
Their involvement serves multiple
purposes. It provides an aura of authority
and legitimacy. It might intimidate
women, often young and feeling alone,
who want an abortion; it could even in-
timidate members of a clinic's staff. It
also provides at least a possibility of
sanction for a potential arsonist or
bomber. He i-
t always seems to be a
man; if a woman is involved it is only as
an accessory - could well reason, " Well,
the Assistant Chief of Police thinks abor-
tion is murder, just like I do, but he can't
do anything because some point headed -
,
black robed -
sissies in Washington said
he can't. But we can't allow these people
to kill babies, and whatever they might
say in public, I think President Reagan,
Bill Scott and Bill Meggs would be hap-
py if I put a stop to it. " He might well be
mistaken, but he and everyone else might
find that out too late.
Poor Vision
Predictions of future trends in health
care are as reliable as weather forecasts
for next week, but they are interesting
indicators of what current thinking is.
One recent one comes from 1000 " health
care experts, " representing hospitals,
suppliers, legislators, regulators, payors,
and physicians surveyed in a Delphi
study co sponsored -
by Arthur Andersen
& Co. and the American College of
Hospital Administrators. Among the
conclusions of the study, entitled Health
Care in the 1990's: Trends and Strategies:
continued on page 28
continued from page 3
The result will be a replication of our overall medical - and
economic - system carried to extremes. Health care costs will
increase rapidly, with at best a marginal improvement in health
status. Totally captive patients will find themselves treated less
and less like vulnerable consumers and more and more like
products going through a manufacturing process. Just as many
manufacturers of sophisticated computers send their products
out for assembly in countries where the daily wage is a frac-
tion of the hourly wage in the U.S., health care corporations
will make every effort to shunt their patients between the
highest - tech care his or her reimbursement system will cover
and the lowest - tech, lowest - wage facility in their enterprise.
Health care will be provided largely by a low paid -, alienated
workforce - nursing home workers are often the cousins of
computer assembly workers in their home country; even with
five or more years'experience they very commonly earn under
$ 10,000 a year, putting their families far below the poverty line.
It could be argued - is, by those who earn substantial in-
comes from this system and some academics who have never
had the misfortune to experience it at first hand - - that health
consumers who find themselves in one of these all care - ar-
rangements are not like chickens in an automated henhouse;
they are free individuals in a free market, able to move
elsewhere at the first twinge of dissatisfaction. Although this
may be true in theory, our experience with nursing homes
shows that it is rarely the case in practice, particularly at a time
of capacity enrollment. And the same social trends that are
filling the beds are increasing the vulnerability of those who
must lie in them.
Family ties are breaking down. It is hard for Texans who
have two sets of children and three ex spouses -
in as many states
to think about taking full responsibility for the care of elderly
parents in Akron. The proportion of people living into their
seventies and eighties is increasing. As people postpone child-
bearing to pursue their careers, the material pleasures afforded
by limited financial responsibilities, and the best possible mate,
the age and social gap between parents and children is bound
to increase. And hard though it is to believe, the postwar baby
boom will begin to pour into retirement in only 25 years. Right
now this cohort is in its prime; let us hope that the millions
in it will attend to the current need and their own future, rather
than leave their health and welfare in the hands of people
unlikely to be alive when they will need help.
O
Jon Steinberg
4
Health / PAC Bulletin
The Losses in Profits
* How Proprietaries Affect Public and Voluntary Hospitals
by Louanne Kennedy
t no time since their establishment have the nation's non-
Ap
voluntary, and public hospitals been swept by such
radical change. Hospital care has entered a new stage, and
these old actors must either adapt to it or disappear.
The impact of for profit -
corporate chains on hospital care
has been measured primarily in terms of the number of
hospitals or beds they control. And, indeed, these chains have
been growing rapidly. Arnold Relman, editor of the New
England Journal of Medicine, has noted with alarm that if their
expansion continues at the current rate, by 1990 they will own
30 percent of all hospitals.'The American College of
Hospital Administrators has projected an even more
remarkable figure of 60 percent market share by the year
1995.2
Whether or not either of these forecasts is accurate, the
growth and consolidation of for profit -
chains is of concern not
solely because it is changing the ownership pattern of hospital
beds, but because it is quickly causing what can be termed the
proprietarization of voluntary hospitals, which means a fun-
damental change in their historic mission and function. The
nation's public hospitals, meanwhile, are continuing to disap-
pear, hurried into oblivion by the declining local government
commitment to the provision of health care.
Although acute - care hospitals are most affected right now,
the movement toward for profit - centralized ownership has pro-
gressed in nursing homes, psychiatric hospitals, home health
care, health maintenance organizations (HMO's), and free-
standing surgi centers -
, and emergi centers -
; this process has
recently spread to alcoholism and drug dependency clinics,
primary care centers and medical equipment suppliers. (See
Table 1.)
The Impact on the Voluntary Hospital Sector
The historic claim of voluntary hospitals has been that they
provide necessary community health services. In reality the
care they have offered has often been determined by research
and teaching priorities, particularly in major metropolitan
areas dominated by medical schools and large teaching
hospitals. However even if community service was only a
byproduct in such institutions, at least it existed. In many
localities throughout the country where academic medicine
was absent, community service was minimal. In others, non-
profit institutions did provide care otherwise unavailable to
Louanne Kennedy teaches Hospital Administration at Baruch
College, CUNY, and is a member of the Health / PAC Board.
those with limited insurance coverage or ability to pay. Today
the new corporate chains are taking over voluntary hospitals
in even the smallest cities, and where they do remain indepen-
dent, non profit - institutions- institutions- and some public hospitals - are
increasingly adopting the practices of proprietary hospitals,
eschewing community responsibility in their pursuit of
solvency.
This phenomenon has an impact far greater than the pro-
prietary hospitals themselves do because voluntary and public
institutions still provide most hospital care; the voluntary in-
stitutions alone account for two thirds. In 1982, the for profit -
institutions accounted for only nine percent of all non federal -
acute care beds, a share up only 1.2 percent from 1975. This
apparent stability is, however, deceptive. The proprietary sec-
tor is now dominated by chains rather than individually
owned facilities, corporate giants with far greater ability to
distribute costs, gain access to capital markets, and diversify
into other health care ventures.
Currently 475 centrally managed corporate chains own,
lease, or manage 7,602 hospitals, nursing homes, lifecare
centers, home healthcare agency offices, and physicians'of-
fices. Another 58 organizations, mostly Catholic orders, spon-
sor 244 hospitals.4
Of these, 179 manage acute - care hospitals. (Table 2 describes
the ten largest corporate, secular non profit -, and religiously-
affiliated chains.) Between 1979 and 1983, the secular non-
profit chains have added the most beds, followed by the
investor - owned chains; the number of beds in religious and
public hospitals have dropped.
When proprietaries alone placed primary emphasis on profit
and fiscal management, there were safety valves in the volun-
tary and public sector to assure minimum care levels. Now that
voluntaries are following their lead, whatever possibility many
people had of finding accessible, high quality, accountable care
is fast disappearing.
Historically, their care was arranged through cross-
subsidization, both between individual institutions and at the
community level. Premiums paid by subscribers to Blue Cross
and private insurors have subsidized care for the medically in-
digent to some extent. Indigent care also tended to be
distributed: implicitly or explicitly, patients were sorted so that
no single voluntary hospital was responsible for all the non-
paying or low paying patients. Certainly this balance was an
uneasy one; some hospitals shouldered much greater burdens
than others. Particularly in areas with sizable numbers of
public hospital beds, some voluntaries were able to more near-
ly sidestep the responsibility. Nevertheless, even in the cur-
rent period of intensifying cost containment pressures, volun-
Health / PAC Bulletin
5
TABLE 1
Multi - Unit Providers
Hospitals (U.S.)
Shared services organizations
Alliances
Department control managers
Psychiatric hospitals
Alternative services *
Run by hospital chains
Run by other clains
Nursing homes
Run by hospital chains
Run by other chains
Lifecare centers
Run by hospital chains
Run by nursing home chains
Home healthcare agencies
Full service
I.V. therapy
Health maintenance organizations (U.S.)
Run by hospital chains
Run by other chains
Renal dialysis centers
Surgery centers
Dental clinics
In retail stores
Franchisers
Sub total -
Groups sponsoring hospitals
Total
Chains
179
106
6
74
25
w9g0
3w1g
30
24
2219
29
11
+4
11
13
6
8
6
767
663
58
721
Units Offices /
1,926
9,562
500
6,411
154
758
226
239
2,079
47
29
1,261
175
12
134
267
82
+ *
73
140
24,075
244
24,319
* Freestanding centers other than surgery centers.
Source: Modern Healthcare, May 1984 and August 1983.
tary hospitals could reasonably have been expected to main-
tain a significant role in providing care for the uninsured, and
voluntary hospital lobbies have continued to support some form
of national health insurance as a way of socializing the cost
of this care. However, the tide among voluntary hospitals has
shifted towards proprietarization, instituting the classic
business strategy of seeking a more and more selective market
of patients at the expense of community services.
Public Hospitals Disappear
In some cases, proprietarization involves an actual takeover
of a public or voluntary institution; in others, it is indirect, ef-
fecting a fundamental realignment of values.
When the Coweta County, Georgia public hospital was suf-
fering from internal problems and inadequate funding, public
officials chose to abandon this county hospital rather than raise
taxes to cover the need. Despite opposition from a group of
Georgia Legal Services clients and initial Health Systems
6
Health / PAC Bulletin
Agency opposition, the state approved the county's applica-
tion to sell the hospital to the Humana Corporation. The ef-
fects of this transfer were soon clear:
* Under an agreement with the county, a dollar amount was
established to provide indigent care. This sum inmediate-
ly proved to be far less than was needed, but when it is ex-
hausted the uninsured are given only emergency care - as
defined, narrowly, by the Humana staff.
As a hospital which had received funding under the Hill-
Burton Act, Coweta County was obligated to provide care
to the medically indigent until 1997; this obligation ceased
within the sale.
i Far from enhancing cost effectiveness ,-
the sale has in-
creased the cost of care. One new expense is interest
payments. Humana borrowed $ 9 million at 17 percent in-
terest to purchase the hospital. Interest payments now ac-
count for 15.8 percent of operation expenses, or $ 52 per pa-
tient day, compared to 2.2 percent, or $ 5.92 per patient day,
under public ownership. Some of the capital outlay has gone
for new facilities and equipment, but access to these services
is limited.5
Although Coweta County's experience is not unique, pro-
prietarization more commonly takes less overt forms. Tampa
General, the public hospital in Tampa, Florida, is one exam-
ple. In 1983, hard hit by loss of paying patients to the new
Humana Women's Hospital and voluntary institutions which
had adopted aggressive marketing tactics, it developed a two-
track strategy. First, it has adopted a policy of turning away
medically indigent and Medicaid patients whose cases are not
urgent. (Florida Medicaid rates are below those of other third-
party payors such as Blue Cross.) Second, it has embarked on
a major construction program to provide new beds for well-
insured patients.
A Voluntary Diversifies
In 1981 Dayton Hospital, a voluntary profit non -
facility in
Dayton, Ohio, was in serious straits. Its occupancy rate was
low; its assets were declining; it had difficulty borrowing
money; it didn't have the funds to purchase equipment its physi-
cians deemed absolutely necessary; and its physicians who also
had attending privileges at other institutions often sent their
well insured patients to them.
To reverse this downward spiral, the Board of Trustees
established a Marketing Department to seek out better insured
Daytonians and identify new services that would be attractive
to patients and physicians. The new department developed an
ambitious plan, which included a new hospital with new
technology. Three years later, Dayton Hospital had:
* Developed a for profit - subsidiary which purchased a near-
by proprietary nursing home and an alcoholism clinic.
* Formed a group to sell management services to other
hospitals in trouble. Dayton Hospital is considering the pur-
chase of one of its management contract clients, a voluntary
hospital in Gainesville, Florida.
* Achieved an AA rating from a major brokerage house,
which has enhanced its ability to borrow for capital expen-
ditures and lowered the interest rates it must pay.
* Boosted physician morale. Delighted with the new patient
population, new equipment and new physical plant, most
now believe they are attached to the " best " hospital in
Dayton.7
The Seven Choices
These three cases indicate some of the responses to the grow-
ing concerns about fiscal accountability in a competitive, cost
containment environment. In the decade ahead, public and in-
dependent voluntary hopsitals will face the following choices:
1) seek acquisition by a for profit -
or non profit -
chain; 2) diver-
sify and expand vertically; 3) merge; 4) hire contract manage-
ment; 5) take forceful measures to maintain current market
share; 6) convert into another type of institution; 7) close.
Not all of these strategies are available to every type of in-
stitution. For example, public hospitals are unlikely to be in
a position to diversify and expand and are more likely to seek
acquisition or contract management. Moreover, as the three
cases described above demonstrate, none of these potential
strategies are based upon providing low cost - care to the poor
and uninsured.
Why Is Proprietarization Occuring?
The accelerating trend toward proprietarization is encou-
raged by a number of factors, including changing ideologies,
the unequal mobility of hospitals, and changes in reimburse-
ment policies.
The role of ideology. The commitment to the public delivery
of services has historically been limited in the U.S. In the
1930's, the New Deal programs to solve the problems of the
Great Depression included public sector financing of delivery
of education and health as well as construction projects. Once
again in the 1960's the public sector was expanded to deliver
health, employment, and community services. In both the
1930's and the 1960's public financing of services was the result
of powerful social movements among the poor demanding
them. However these periods of expansion are aberrations,
running counter to the dominant ideological premise that
public delivery of services is worse, i.e., inefficient, plagued
by incompetent workers, and costly, while services provided
by the private sector are efficient, cost effective -
, and respon-
sive to the demands of the market.
Since the election of President Reagan, assertions of the
superiority of private ownership have become even more in-
sistent. Pressures to contract with private firms for delivery
of services ranging from garbage collection to social programs
have intensified. Behind the rhetoric of " public v. private " lies
the real issue: whether poor and working people get care.
The provision of health services has always been marked by
an uneasy balance between public, voluntary, and proprietary
interests, with the voluntary non profit -
hospitals dominant.
However in the 1970's and the'80's mounting pressure to con-
trol costs has shaken their dominance and further marginalized
the public institutions. Both government and industry have
seized upon marketplace competition as the answer to rising
costs.
Unequal mobility. Voluntary hospitals are usually associated
with a particular community. Private hospital chains - actually
large, national corporations - are in the business of buying and
building facilities in areas where market analysis indicates the
presence of a substantial insured population. They have almost
complete freedom to go into places with a favorable state
regulatory climate and high population growth. As a result,
they are heavily concentrated in the South and the West,
regions where population and economic growth has been rapid
in recent years: 73 percent of the beds owned by the nation's
five largest private firms are located in the South and another
20 percent in California. This has given these companies a
steadily increasing patient base and made them essentially
recession proof. David Jones, Chairman and Chief Ex-
ecutive Officer of Humana, is one of many corporate officials
who expect investor - owned chains to continue to expand most
vigorously in the Sunbelt, where population growth runs ahead
of the national rate. Although many executives are predicting
an increase in private management of urban public hospitals
in the North and the Northeast, they do not foresee any
dramatic growth in their ownership of northern urban
hospitals. Jones points out that the high cost Eastern states
such as Massachusetts, New York, and Maryland also have
the most " oppressive " regulations and cites their tightened plan-
ning restrictions as further reasons for staying out.
David Williamson, Executive Vice President for domestic
development at Hospital Corporation of America agrees that
" By and large, the future growth of the industry will be in
dynamic states where the population is growing... and in those
states that decide to modify punitive state regulations. " He
Health / PAC Bulletin
7
TABLE 2
Top 10 Hospital Operators by Type, in 1983 *
Investor - Owned
1. Hospital Corp. of America
2. Humana Inc.
3. American Medical International Inc.
4. National Medical Enterprises Inc.
5. Nu Med - Inc.
6. Lifemark Corp.
7. Republic Health Corp.
8. Universal Health Service Inc.
9. American Healthcare Mgmt. Inc.
10. Hospital Mgmt. Professional Inc.
Total
Secular Nonprofit
1. Kaiser Foundation
2. Fairview Community Hospitals
3. Intermountain Health Care Inc.
4. Health Central System
5. SunHealth
6. Health Frontiers Inc.
7. Lutheran Hospitals & Home Society of America
8. Affiliated Hospital Systems
9. SamCor
10. HealthOne Corp.
Total
Catholic
1. Sisters of Mercy Health Corp.
2. Sisters of Mercy of the Union
3. Sisters of Charity Health Care System
4. Hospital Sisters Health System
5. Sisters of Providence Health Care System
6. Catholic Health Corp.
7. Holy Cross Health System Corp.
8. Franciscan Health System
9. Anellia Domini Health Services Inc.
10. Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth Health Services
Total
Beds
1983
1982
Units
1983 1982
52,913
17,704
14,274
9.576
5,696
5.074
3,335
2,732
2,704
2,654
116,662
47,415 363
16,786
89
12,623
104
8,919
63
5,403
21
4,334
30
895
29
1,573
23
1,857
25
1,799
21
101,604
768
325
90
95
64
11
28
10
12
15
13
663
6,576
3,842
2,953
2,769
2,685
2,611
2,451
2,179
1,604
1,455
29,125
6,583
3.536
2,887
2,689
2,143
2,662
2,232
1,960
1,564
880
28,226
28
46
23
20
27
34
45
24
945
45
261
28
42
23
20
23
35
45
23
- 7
3
249
5,889
5,760
28
25
4,356
4.166
14
14
4,306
4,336
13
14
3,719
3,731
13
13
3,428
3,218
14
13
3,335
3,003
24
19
3,089
3,062
11
10
3,012
2,877
11
11
2,933
2,923
10
10
2,454
2.397
9
8
36,491
35,483
147
137
added that HCA's pursuit of growth opportunities will continue
to be " principally in the hospital sector of the health care field
and not in diversification. HCA, he elaborated, expects to
replace and / or build 2,500 to 3,500 hospital beds per year, and
it is currently targeting public hospitals " whose life cycles have
ended, and that are without the resources to finance the
replacement of their facilities. " 10
As the easier markets in the Sunbelt are saturated, the in-
dustry is likely to pursue management contracting and acquisi-
tion more aggressively, because Certificate of Need laws make
8
Health / PAC Bulletin
construction of new hospitals difficult in heavily bedded areas.
Another possibility is accelerated diversification. National
Medical Enterprises, for example, is acquiring and building
nursing homes, psychiatric hospitals, and homecare agencies.
Voluntary hospitals generally lack mobility, although some
have moved to more well - to - do suburbs - creating serious pro-
blems for the patients left behind. Many institutions that re-
main in areas of declining population and income are adopt-
ing restrictive access policies in the name of financial solven-
cy. Others that continue to serve everyone in their commun-
TABLE 2
Top 10 Hospital Operators by Type, in 1983 * (continued)
Other Religious
1. Adventist Health System / U.S.
2. Methodist Health Systems Inc.
3. Lutheran Hospital Society of Southern California
4. Evangelical Health Systems
5. Harris Methodist Health System
6. Baylor Health Care System
7. Baptist Medical Center
8. St. Luke's Roosevelt -
Hospital Ctr.
9. Southwest Community Health Services
10. Methodist Hospital of Indiana
Public
1. NYC Health & Hospital Corp.
2. Los Angeles County - Dept. of Health Services
3. North Broward Hospital District
4. Peoples Community Hospital Authority
5. Fulton DeKalb -
Hospital Authority
6. Harris County Hospital District
7. Hospital Commission of Prince George County
8. Wake County Hospital System
9. Spartanburg General Hospital System
10. Alameda County Health Care Services Agency
Total
Contract Managers **
1. Hospital Corp. of America
2. Nu Med - Inc.
3. Catholic Health Corp.
4. National Medical Enterprises Inc.
5. SunHealth
6. Hospital Management Professionals Inc.
7. Fairview Community Hospitals
8. American Medical International Inc.
9. Lutheran Hospital Society of Southern California
10. Geisinger Medical Mgmt. Corp.
Total
Beds
1983
1982
Units
1983 1982
10,633
10,536
74
762625
3,692
3,275
16
162225
2,373
2,615
11
162225
1,634
1,634
5
6225
1,603
1,221
12
10
1,497
1,425
6
5
1,351
1,152
5
5
1,315
1,316
3
3
1.201
1,269
12
13
1,190
1,190
22
32
7,778
7,919
11
12
4,506
4,902
6
2735
1,262
1,253
3
2735
1,236
1,236
5
2735
1,204
1,204
223
2
2
804
774
3232
3
791
791
2
2
656
656
N2
222
617
617
2
222
600
600
2
222
19,454
19,952
41
43 43
22,642
18,828
169
144
4,815
5,291
12
10
3,335
3,003
24
19
3,269
2,691
22
23
2,685
2,143
27
23
2,654
1,799
21
13
2,606
2,300
39
35
2,137
2,119
13
13
2,124
1.960
8
5
1,123
1,039
6
4
47,915
41,004
342
294
* Largest systems based on number of U.S. and foreign acute care
hospital beds operated in 1983.
** Largest managers of U.S. and foreign acute care hospitals based on
number of beds managed -
facilities in 1983.
ity regardless of ability to pay face bankruptcy. Most of the 25
hospital closures in New York City since 1975 are due to
bankruptcies, caused in large part by their willingess to serve
increased numbers of uninsured patients.
Changes in reimbursement policies. For many years
hospitals were cushioned by cost based -
reimbursement, under
which they were reimbursed for whatever they spent on pa-
tient care. Those days are clearly over. As controls on reim-
bursement have tightened, mostly through government efforts,
voluntary hospitals have been acting more like proprietary
Health / PAC Bulletin
9
Year
Type of System:
Investor - owned
Secular nonprofit
Religious
Public
Totals
Year
Type of System:
Investor - owned
Secular nonprofit
Religious
Public
Totals
Year
Type of System:
Investor - owned
Secular nonprofit
Religious
Public
Totals
TABLE 3
Hospitals in Multi Institutional -
Systems
1979
Beds
1983
90.580
56.398
106,062
21.718
274,758
123,810
86.266
87,826
20,646
318,548
Total
%
Change
36.7
52.9
-17.2%
-4.9
15.9%
Hospitals
1979
1983
695
301
455
59
1,510
869
583
415
49
1,916
Beds
1979
1983
58,000
50,775
100,389
21.619
230,783
86,128
69.886
78,319
20,646
254,979
Owned
%
Change
48.5
37.6
-21.9%
-4.5
10.5%
Hospitals
1979
1983
395
245
391
57
1,088
595
374
327
49
1,345
1979
Beds
32.580
5,623
5,673
99
43,975
1983
37,682
16.380
9,508
0
63,570
Managed
%
Change
15.6
191.3
67.6%
- 100.0
44.5%
Hospitals
1979
1983
300
56
64
2
422
274
209
88
0
571
Source: Modern Health Care, April 1981 and May 1984.
%
Change
25.0
93.7
-8.8%
16.9
26.9%
%
Change
50.6
52.6
-16.4%
14.0
23.6%
%
Change
-8.7
273.2
37.5%
- 100.0
35.3%
hospitals than ever before. For the proprietary sector, prospec-
tive payment systems such as Diagnosis Related Groups
(DRG's) have been a boon. According to John Hindelong,
Director of Research at the brokerage firm Becker Paribas and
a leading health care analyst, DRG's are " now seen as a system
that does what it's supposed to do- that is, increase profits to
the efficient provider of health - care services. " "
Non profit -
Chains and Subsidiaries
As competitive pressures mount, many non profit -
hospitals
are setting up for profit -
subsidiaries and / or multihospital
systems and chains of their own, which then often initiate diver-
sification schemes " to work out of the corner they've been
pushed into by government constraints and increased competi-
tion. " 12 Typically, they form for profit -
subsidiaries to supple-
ment the revenues from their non profit -
hospital operations.
Some non profit -
systems are even considering offering stock
in these subsidiaries, a move that would further blur the once
clear - cut line between for profits -
and non profits -
.
10
Health / PAC Bulletin
Intermountain Healthcare Inc., a voluntary chain in Salt
Lake City, now has three for profit -
subsidiaries. One offers in-
surance; another provides shared services; the third, a pro-
fessional services corporation, will manage operations such
as clinics, outpatient surgical centers, and occupational
medicine programs.
The Health Central System in Minneapolis is also in the
midst of corporate restructuring. Like Intermountain, this
23 hospital -
group is diversifying into the insurance business.
It also plans to manage three housing centers for the elderly.
Research Health Services in Kansas City completed a
reorganization in 1982 and is moving into the commercial
laboratory business. The Alexian Brothers of America, Inc.,
in Elk Grove Village, Illinois is also restructuring. According
to Sam Torres, Vice President of Alexian Brothers Health
Management, the religious systems now " understand that being
competitive and being growth oriented is compatible with
being church oriented...We can't afford to sit quietly and allow
the proprietaries to take over health care including -
us. " 13
In the coming years consolidation of the voluntary hospital
industry is likely to continue through the demise of the weaker
institutions, or their absorption in the expanding non profit - and
for profit - chains. Their growth, in turn, is certain to be accom-
panied by diversification into non hospital -
based services, in-
cluding surgi centers -
, emergi centers -
, and alcoholism, drug,
obesity, and wellness clinics.
The Impact on Health Care Services
A judgement as to whether this trend toward proprietariza-
tion should be encouraged or discouraged ought not to depend
on an uncritical ideologically - based belief, but on a pragmatic
assessment of its consequences for health care services - in
particular on access, costs, quality, and accountability.
Access. The proprietary sector has made it clear that it feels
little or no obligation to serve the medically indigent and only
limited obligation to serve Medicaid patients. Nationally, the
for profit -
chains have a much smaller proportion of Medicaid
patients than the average hospital. In states such as Texas, Ten-
nessee, and Florida which have low Medicaid reimbursement,
less than three percent of their patients are covered by it, while
in California, which reimburses for the care of Medi - Cal pa-
tients at a rate close to that offered by other third party payors,
11.45 percent of their patients qualify. " Similar practices are
now followed by voluntaries, who rationalize them as good
management practices necessary for economic survival.
Quality of care. Little is known about the quality of care in
proprietary hospitals. In general it appears to be adequate. The
problem arises at the system - wide level and is related to the
proprietary policy of " skimming the cream " - attracting patients
with the easiest diagnoses, and leaving more complicated,
poorly insured cases to the public hospitals and those volun-
taries still willing to take them. There is also some evidence
Mitko
Petrov
that for profits -
retain certain complicated but financially
rewarding patients who may be more appropriately treated
.
elsewhere.
Another problem arises when a hospital company acts to im-
prove the profitability of the mix of services at a particular
hospital it owns or manages. This may entail emphasizing the
profitable services (e.g. surgical as opposed to medical, an-
cillary as opposed to routine, simple operations as opposed
to complicated, etc.), increasing the intensity of care with new
services and technology, and adapting the services offered to
the demographics of the market area. These practices reflect
a conscious decision to focus on profitability of services rather
than medical necessity. There is also pressure to curtail or
eliminate services that may be required in the community but
not at a level sufficient to yield a profit. For example, certain
ophthalmology services and therapeutic radiology.
The new DRG method of Medicare reimbursement will
probably exacerbate these trends. It is also evident that physi-
cians will be pressured to make their practices fit the demands
of the market or the reimbursement system rather than a pro-
fessional standard as, however, imperfectly, they have in the
past. 15
In all community hospitals, both profit and non profit -
,
overall length of stay is declining, along with ratios of full time -
equivalent personnel and staffed beds. This is a direct result
of efficiency demands that may well bode ill for quality of care.
The decline in length of stay poses particular hardship for the
elderly. However to the for profit -
sector, this decline is a
measure of increased efficiency and profitability:
Declining length of stay increases profitability because, when
you think about a hospital visit most of the actual business oc-
curs in the first couple of days surgery - --
, intensive care,
diagnostic testing, etc. The last part of the stay, convalescence,
Health / PAC Bulletin
11
does not generate a lot of revenues. So if you cut that out, you
don't lose profits... efficient hospitals are going to make more
money for doing the same amount of work. An inefficient
hospital is going to be paid less money for doing the same
amount of work... From a parochial investor's perspective on
these companies [profit for -
corporate chains], being paid more
for doing the amount of work because they are efficient is what
[DRG's] really amount to. 16
These criteria, obviously, do not take into account whether
the elderly have sufficient resources for a nursing home nor
whether they have family or community support to provide
care. (Investment firms usually go on to encourage
stockholders to purchase nursing home stocks, particularly
those of the larger chains such as Beverly Enterprises, because
DRG's are likely to increase the nursing home population.)
Personnel cutbacks are also common. time Full - staff are be-
ing replaced with part timers -
who work without benefits and
are called in only when needed. " This shift in staffing may
be a reasonable response to demands for cost efficiency, but
it is not based upon a professional judgment of the best method
of providing patient care.
Costs. Data from several studies show that, when adjusted
for case mix, costs and charges measured on the basis of either
patient days or admissions are higher in for profit -
hospitals.
Lewin and Associates found that " the investor - owned hospitals
priced their services considerably higher with respect to their
costs than did the not profit - for -
hospitals, and therefore
generated higher profits. Pricing differences between the
groups were small for routine services (room and board) and
very large for several ancillary departments. " 19
In those ancillary services such as blood transfusion and
diagnostic radiology where the private chains just about broke
even, the researchers found little or no difference from volun-
tary chains in the number of units of service delivered per pa-
tient day or per admission. Therapeutic radiology, a service
which invariably runs at a loss, was virtually unavailable in
investor - owned hospitals. On the other hand, the units of ser-
vice per patient and per admission are higher in the corporate
chains than in the voluntaries.
Pattison and Katz conclude that " there is a tension between
" 20
profit maximization and medical practice in these hospitals. "
The introduction of DRG's may change the precise manner in
which hospitals maximize profits, but the drive to emphasize
lucrative services and diminish or abandon unprofitable ones
will continue.
Physician accountability. Physicians working in for profit -
chains may experience increased pressure to practice in a
manner that enhances profits; some may be more influenced
by these corporate demands than they are by peer standards.
Of course, the criticism that some physicians require more
visits and more tests than necessary to increase their income
is not new.
" There are, " as Luft points out, " Many gray areas in prac-
tice where any number of diagnostic tests and curative actions
at widely different cost may be given with no scientific
evidence indicating which is preferable... despite this physi-
cians may have strong preferences concerning these alter-
natives and... there may be a correlation between economic
incentives and these preferences. " For example, " A great debate
continues over whether certain types of coronary diseases are
best managed surgically or medically...Yet in each situation,
individual physicians tend to prefer and use one mode of treat-
ment and do not behave as though there is a gray area that
research evidence does not resolve. " 21
12
Health / PAC Bulletin
Although it cannot be argued that proprietarization give birth
to profit consciousness by doctors, 22 what is new is the
systemic incentives that encourage such behavior in these in-
stitutions and the direct conflict they pose between professional
principles and business ideology.
Conclusions
Considerable evidence indicates that the growth of the for-
profit sector has reduced access, raised costs somewhat, and
lessened physician accountability to professional standards.
Whether the quality of care, for those who get it, has been af-
fected remains undetermined.
As we have seen, the expansion of the private chains is also
negatively affecting the performance of voluntary and public
hospitals. What can be done to reverse these trends and to en-
courage hospitals to respond to community health needs rather
than immediate fiscal pressure?
To begin developing solutions, we must consider the roots
of the problem. First, between 25 and 40 million Americans
have no health insurance. Universal health care coverage is not
only just and ethical, it may also be essential to the preserva-
tion of the nation's voluntary and public hospitals, which serve
the broad health needs of the public.
Second, differences in rates of reimbursement encourage
skimming of more lucrative patients and dumping of poorly
insured patients on the dwindling number of hospitals willing
to serve them. This inequitable pattern could be alleviated by
all payor -, uniform systems of reimbursement - which have
already been enacted in some states and proposed nationally.
Third, insurance coverage must be sufficiently comprehen-
sive to ensure that patients are likely to receive appropriate care
rather than a treatment, often more expensive, which happens
to be the only one covered by insurance. All payor -
systems,
now in place in a few states, that reimburse hospitals for un-
compensated care are a progressive move toward universal
coverage, but affect in patient -
care only. These programs
should be expanded to include more states and out patient -
care - for the medically indigent as well as others.
Fourth, we ought to have a National Hospital Policy similar
to the National Blood Policy of 1974, one which defines
minimum standards of access, quality and cost and is
monitored to guarantee that low cost is not the sole criteria of
excellence.
Universal coverage, uniform reimbursement rates, and com-
prehensive services are the characteristics of a planned,
national health care system. The United States is the only in-
dustrialized nation aside from South African without a pro-
gram embodying these fundamental characteristics. Although
currently far from the top of the American political agenda,
such a national program for financing and planning health care
services represents the best hope of preventing the complete
transformation of our health care institutions into businesses
that court and serve only the wealthy and well insured -
.
This is not the costly approach it is often depicted to be. In
the long term, by relieving the financial pressure on those
hospitals that serve everyone, and distributing the costs of car-
ing for the uninsured equitably, a national program offers the
best prospect for reducing the costs of care- and for providing
quality care for all.
O
1. Arnold Relman, " Investor Owned Hospitals and Health Care Costs, " The
New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 309, no. 6, August 11, 1983, p. 370.
2. Hospital Week, The American Hospital Association, vol. 20, no. 33,
August 17, 1984, Chicago, Illinois.
>
Bulletin Board
Art for Disarmament's Sake
The Bread and Roses Program of 1199 has been justly
famous as the most ambitious trade union cultural pro-
gram in the country. Its art exhibition, " Disarming
Images: Art for Disarmament, " is currently touring the
country (this spring it will be at Baxter Art Gallery,
Caltech; and Yellowstone Art Center in Billings, MT),
and is now available in a book with beautiful full - color
graphics. The artists represented include Laurie Ander-
son, Rudolf Baranik, Mary Frank, Red Grooms, Claes
Oldenburg, and Robert Rauschenberg. Copies of the
book are $ 14.95 from Art for Nuclear Disarmament, 330
West 42nd St., New York, NY 10036.
Does VDT Mean Very
Dangerous Technology?
The Office Technology Education Project, an in-
dependent organization funded by the Massachusetts
State Health Department, has prepared a series of four
hard - hitting, eye - catching posters on the health and
social effects of office automation. Their titles are " Com-
mon Office Health Problems... and How to Avoid
Them, " " A Stress Epidemic in the Office, " " A Model VDT
Workstation, " and " Job Content: More than Meets the
Eye. " It would be great if these were up in every office;
your boss isn't likely to order them. You can, by sending
$ 1.50 per set to OTEP, 6 Newsome Park, Jamaica Plain,
MA 02130.
Far from Hollywood
" All healthcare workers, patients, and communities
stand to benefit from this, " says Robb Burlage about
From Bedside to Bargaining Table. In this new
20 - minute color video nurses talk about their concerns
and what they can do about them. The sale price is $ 60;
rental $ 30 from Tamerik Productions, 237 Second St..
Jersey City, NJ 07302.
Women Make Movies is distributing a series of
videotapes on health subjects, including menopause,
feminist health practices, and midwifery in Nicaragua.
For a catalogue, write WMM, Inc., 19 W. 21st St., New
York, NY 10011.
Revolution on Wheels
About 400 of the thousands of Nicaraguans seriously
maimed or incapacitated in the war against Somoza and
the contras have formed the Organization of Disabled
Revolutionaries to integrate themselves and others into
the socio - economic life of the new Nicaragua. ORD
members are designing, manufacturing, and repairing
wheelchairs for themselves and others, but they need
supplies. The Reagan Administration's economic
strangulation strategy has made it impossible for them
to import the 24 " and 8 " diameter inflatable rubber tire
wheels. If you can help supply them, they'll be able to
put people in complete, very manueverable wheelchairs.
Your contributions made out to NICMAC / HAND are
tax - deductible. You can mail your check to Nicaragua
Medical / Material Aid Campaign, 1239 Broadway, Rm.
802, New York, NY 10001.
Help Wanted
The Frieda Wolff National Health Service Fund,
organized in memory of the late president of the Califor-
nia Gray Panthers, is inviting health professionals and
activists to join its advisory board. The fund was
established to compile and disseminate information pro-
moting a national health service. Interested persons
should write the Fund at PO Box 7369, Berkeley, CA
94707.
3.4 .3 .L aHovsipoiltlaelt tSeta,t iRs.t,i cMso,d Aemrenr iHceaanl Htohscpairtea,l MAsasyo c1i9a8t2i.on
, 1983 Edition, pp. 5-6.
5. 5. Linda Lowe, " Sales of Strapped Public Hospitals Bode Ill For Poor, " Atlan-
ta Constitution, October 1, 1982. See also " Consumer Testimony Opposing
the Sale of a Public Hospital in Georgia to a For Profit -
Corporation, "
Georgia Legal Services, Atlanta, Georgia, 1982.
6. " Public Hospital Limits Care to Tampa's Poor, " American Medical News,
April 20, 1984, vol. 27, no. 16, pp. 1 and 21.
7. Ibid.
8. Robert Sonenclar, " Investing in Health Care, " Financial World, vol. 153,
no. 16, July 25 August -
7, 1984, pp. 12-16.
9. Marilyn Mannisto, " For Profit Systems Pursue Growth in Specialization
and Diversification, Hospitals, September 1, 1981, pp. 71-76.
10. Ibid.
11. Sonenclar, op. cit.
12. Laviollette, op. cit.
13. Ibid.
14. Robert V. Pattison and Hallie M. Katz, Investor "
Owned and Not - for-
Profit Hospitals: A Comparison Based on California Data, " New England
Journal of Medicine, vol. 309, no. 6, pp. 347-353, August 11, 1983.
15. Ibid.
16. Sonenclar, op. cit.
17. Trends, American Hospital Association, Office of Public Policy Analysis,
no. 82, September, 1984, Chicago, Illinois.
18. Lewin and Associates, " Studies in the Comparative Performance of
Investor - Owned and Not Profit - for -
Hospitals, vol. 4. The Comparative
Economic Performance of a Matched Sample of Investor - Owned and Not-
for Profit -
Hospitals, " Washington, D.C., Lewin and Associates, Inc., 1981.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Pattison and Katz, op. cit.
22. Ibid.
Health / PAC Bulletin
13
The Base of the Iceberg
Outpatient Dumping in Chicago
by Gordon Schiff, Kari Angus, and Saholy Razafinarivo
Th
The pattern is familiar, dismal, and now well known -
. Cook
County, Chicago's only public general hospital, receives
a call from a private institution: a patient with a condition re-
quiring immediate hospitalization is being placed in an am-
bulance and will be arriving shortly. There were six thousand
of these transfers from an Emergency Room at a private
hospital to C.C.H. in 1984, a fivefold increase in just four years.
The extent of this private hospital policy, often referred to
as inpatient dumping, as well as the problems associated with
it have been well documented'and widely reported in the
medical and popular press. However it is not generally
realized that these direct, emergency emergency- - room - to -
room transfers represent only the tip of the iceberg, a small
fraction of the overall dumping problem. The overwhelming
majority of dumping cases involve outpatients previously cared
for in private sector institutions or community clinics who are
shunted to public hospitals. Because these transfers are in-
direct, they are both less visible and more difficult to pinpoint,
so as yet there is little data on them.
A Survey at Cook County Hospital
To estimate the magnitude of this problem, we surveyed 500
patients waiting to be seen in the Adult Emergency Room at
C.C.H. during November 1984.
Within this group, precisely defining an " outpatient dump "
posed methodological problems. A patient who arrived with
a new onset of jaundice, seizures, and bleeding in his urine
and stools carrying a note on his discharge papers from
Englewood Hospital reading " to Cook County Hospital " is an
obvious " dump. " " (That he was sent home at all illustrates
another feature of the dumping problem, the extent to which
institutional financial considerations bias and override medical
judgements.)
Other patients may have a less urgent need for follow - up
care, but are referred to C.C.H. routinely or are told to come
there for additional tests and treatment for problems identified
by the private hospitals or clinics. Often they are told that they
are in need of C.C.H.'s specialized services, although on ex-
amination it becomes apparent that they have fairly uncom-
plicated problems - for example, the woman who was told by
Billings (the University of Chicago teaching and research
Gordon Schiff is an attending physician in the Department of
Medicine at Cook County Hospital. Kari Angus and Saholy
Razafinarivo were interns in the Associated Colleges of the
Midwest Urban Studies Program.
14
Health / PAC Bulletin
hospital) to go to C.C.H. because they " had the best doctors
for skin problems. " Others are referred to C.C.H. for tests even
though the private hospital has the requisite equipment - for
example, the man with early gangrene of the toe who was told
at Jackson Hospital that they " couldn't handle the problem "
because they lacked the proper " instruments. " Out of our sam-
ple, 12 percent of the patients fell into one of our three blatantly
dumped groups (see Figure 1).
A larger group of " dumped " patients consisted of those who
had been receiving care elsewhere in the past two years but
are now coming to C.C.H. because they can no longer afford
to pay for that care or were dissatisfied with it. (Of those ex-
pressing dissatisfaction with their private sector care, most
mentioned that they could not afford to pay for it any longer.)
Patients of special interest to us were the one in five who
had never come to Cook County Hospital before. Half of them
fell into one of the " dumped " categories. The proportion of this
group which had lost their jobs during the previous 12 months
(33 percent) was twice the rate we found among the " veteran "
C.C.H. patients.
Ambiguities
It must be said that there is no absolute division between
those who get public care and those who get private. More than
40 percent of the patients in our sample who had previously
received care at C.C.H. had also been treated elsewhere in the
past three years. However, unlike other Chicago hospitals,
Cook County cannot refer a patient elsewhere or refuse care
due to inability to pay. Since free care and medications are
unavailable anywhere else, statements by 73 percent of the pa-
tients that they could not afford to go elsewhere suggest that
the magnitude of any reverse flow from public to private must
be considerably less than the flow to C.C.H. Declining cen-
suses in the private sector and a rising patient census at C.C.H.
strengthen this conclusion.
A second limitation of our data relates to difficulties in
assigning patients to the " dumping " categories (groups A - E).
Many of the patients had overlapping features (i.e. most of the
patients in the Refused Care group were also explicitly told
to go to C.C.H.) Also, a substantial number of the " dumped "
patients (87 of 185) also mentioned positive reasons for com-
ing to C.C.H. (its " good reputation "); it might be argued that
this disqualifies them from being labeled as " dumps. " However
when the issue is defined broadly as the shifting of financial-
ly unrewarding care from private and neighborhood sources
onto the Public Hospital, it is evident this has indeed occur-
red. Finally, the " attraction " of C.C.H. to such patients must
be viewed in its proper context. At C.C.H.'s Emergency Room,
these patients generally must wait six to eight hours to be seen
by a moonlighting resident or a nurse practitioner, and another
one to two hours at the Pharmacy. It is unlikely that any private
or voluntary facility genuinely attempting to attract this popula-
tion would find it difficult to improve upon this.
As distinguished from " inpatient dumping " statistics, in
which virtually every patient referred is counted except (
those
who expire in the ambulance en route), our method of quan-
tifying the magnitude of outpatient dumping in all probability
significantly underestimates the numbers of patients referred.
We have no way of knowing what fraction of the patients told
to go to C.C.H. actually do. These " lost " patients, unable or
unwilling to beat a path to C.C.H., are in some respects of even
greater concern than the huge numbers who do arrive.
Even excluding these people, the survey clearly reveals
massive dumping. Extrapolating from the sample results, the
208,000 Adult Emergency Room visits in 1984 included more
than 75,000 " dumps "; even using the narrowest definitions of
dumping (groups A - C), there were 25,380. Although Illinois.
Governor Thompson and President Reagan claim that their
health cuts have not disrupted health care for poeple in need,
this survey is powerful evidence that tens of thousands of peo-
ple in Chicago have been uprooted from their previous chan-
nels of care, and have no alternative save a public institution
whose resources were already overtaxed.
Cumulative Effect
The cumulative impact of this shift is also devastating. Many
of the patients initially seen in the Emergency Room require
follow - up care. For example, during the past two years approx-
imately 400 patients per week were referred to C.C.H.'s General
Medical Clinic, which can accommodate only 120 new patients
per week. No one knows what has happened to those who
could not be given an appointment. At this point the Clinic,
a public resource that had previously been available to a broad
range of working, insured people as well as the unemployed
and poor, is so full that it cannot accept any new patients at
all. The one continuous source of care for persons living in
one of Chicago's 33 (out of a total of 77) communities officially
designated as " severe physician shortage " areas by Chicago's
Health Systems Agency.
Distinctions between " dumped " and " nondumped " patients
should not be taken too literally. The major difference between
" dumped " and " nondumped " outpatients is really that dumped
patients have not learned their " place " in the system. Those pa-
tients who " naturally " report to C.C.H. have internalized the
rules of the game. For the others, dumping serves a policing
function, disciplining people whose access to alternate chan-
nels of care had been expanded during the'60's and'70's and
is now being taken away.
It would be difficult to argue that transferring care to C.C.H.'s
Emergency Room is more cost efficient -
than a system of more
continuous care by a primary provider in the community.
Fragmentation of care and duplication of tests and records is
inevitable. Without an established relationship with the patient,
the health care provider's ability to assess a problem, develop
mutual trust, or give advice on the telephone, etc. is very
limited. The two major active parties responsible for this
epidemic of dumping, governmental policy makers and the
private institutions, are pursuing this wasteful course in the
name of controlling costs and increasing efficiency. What they
Dumping
Category
A
B
C
"
(
E)
I
F
Definitions and Rates
of Outpatient Dumping
Definition
(why are you here now)
Refused Care Elsewhere
(& usually told to go to
C.C.H.)
Sought Care Elsewhere but
Left Without Being Seen
(for financial reasons)
Explicitly Told to Go to C.C.H.
by previous source of Care
Coming to C.C.H. now
because Can No Longer Afford
Previous Source of Care
Dissatisfied with Care
Elsewhere and Unable to
Afford it any longer
Dissatisfied with Care
Elsewhere for Other Reasons
TOTALS
Numbers of
Patients
23
3
35
78
38
8
185
% of 500
Pts. Surveyed
4.6
# of pts
translates
to per year
9,570
0.6
1,250
7.0
15.6
14,560
32,450
7.6
15,810
1.6
37.0
3,330
76,960
Health / PAC Bulletin
15
are really doing is shifting the burden onto the public hospital
and the tens of the the thousands of patients in Chicago alone
who have been dumped.
Private Hospitals Unload
Seventy - two percent (133/185) of the " dumped " patients came
from private voluntary hospitals, which are restricting access
to their outpatient clinics through closures and policies such
as increased fees. " Our picture is not as bright as previously, "
explained the Executive Director of Illinois Masonic Hospital,
" We find ourselves being forced to choose between our heritage
of caring for the indigent or fiscal viability. This is certainly
an unpleasant choice, but of course it is really not a choice. "
He described how Illinois Masonic " began to set specific
monthly targets for Medicaid days by Department or service.
While we have yet to achieve many of these targets, the trend
continues in the right direction. " 4
Who Was Surveyed
The survey group of 500 left out 34 patients who
declined to be interviewed or were non English- -
speaking. Of the 500, 69 percent were ambulatory pa-
tients triaged by staff nurses to the " nonurgent screen-
ing " area; 20 percent had been classified non critically -
ill " emergency " cases; the remaining 11 percent were
obstetric gynecology /
patients. This distribution is
similar to that of all ambulatory patients at Cook County
Hospital.
The sample excludes patients who arrived by am-
bulance (some of whom would be " inpatient dumps ") and
those who had life threatening -
illnesses that may have
caused them to have been recently treated at another
hospital.
past two years. This promises to bring some relief. Proposals
are being consider to use County monies to bail out community
hospitals hard hit by the Medicaid cuts in return for their agree-
-
ment to accept re routed -
transfer referrals. It remains to be seen
whether this would merely facilitate dumping, or actually
relieve C.C.H.'s overcrowding and increase the public ac-
cessibility and accountability of these institutions.
What is certain is that the window dressing is off of the
system. Dumping practices which in the past were viewed as
shameful, which hospitals vigorously denied engaging in, have
become the accepted norm. Rather than " What, me dump? ",
we are now hearing " Of course we dump; we have no choice. "
The corruption of the mission of these " caring institutions, " and
the dehumanizing effects on the values of those who work and
train within them, will have a lasting impact. More tangibly,
the human suffering is epitomized by the words of a patient
who said, " I'm afraid to let my kids go out and play for fear
that they'll get hurt, because I couldn't afford care for them. "
It gives sobering insights into a health system which by the care
it refuses, treats people like refuse, to be dumped onto the
doorstep of the Public Hospital.
C)
1. C.C.H. Adult Emergency Services Administration Statistics 1981-1984.
R. Schiff et al, " Cook County Hospital: Analysis of 500 Consecutive
Transfers ", unpublished data presented at 1984 American Public Health
Association Annual Meeting, Anaheim, California.
2. Himmelstein & Woolhandler, " Pitfalls of Private Medicine: Health Care
in the USA, " Lancet, August 8, ii pp.391-4.
Schumer, " Hospitals Unload Poor on County: New Welfare Rule Brings
Increase in Transfers, " Chicago Tribune, January, 1984.
Cook County Hospital: 1984, Committee to Save C.C.H. Bulletin,
February, 1984. Available from CTSCCH, 37 S. Wabash, 3rd Fl, Chicago,
IL 60603.
3. Chicago Health Systems Agency 1984 Four Year Plan.
4. Mungerson, Presentation at Conference on Health Care for the Inner City
of Chicago, Institute of Medicine, Chicago, 11/8/83, pp. 14-15.
5. Rush Pres. St. Lukes Financial Statement, 6/30/84, in 1984 Annual Report,
p. 41.
This path was first beaten by another institution. In 1975-77
Rush Presbyterian -
St. Lukes Medical Center phased out its
outpatient clinic, which had been serving the poor for over 100
years, in part to reduce Medicaid admissions which it claim-
ed it could no longer afford. During the same three year period
the Medical Center was increasing its total assets from $ 125
million to $ 285 million.
During the past fifteen years hundreds of millions of
Medicaid dollars have gone towards the purchase of the latest
equipment and new hospital wings for private hospitals such
as these. It is bitterly ironic that Medicaid patients are now
finding themselves excluded from them. Meanwhile, Cook
County Hospital, where they are sent, is a 70 year old anti-
quated and unsafe structure. The J.C.A.H. has threatened it
with disaccreditation for fire safety violations. A recent spate
of power failures included one on December 20th which
knocked out all electrical power and backup systems for more
than one hour. Fourteen people in the Intensive Care Unit were
on ventilators at the time.
.
Where Now?
Will this trend continue unabated? Legal and community
organizations in Chicago have distributed over 100,000 cards
spelling out patients'rights to emergency treatment. A coali-
tion of groups has recently succeeded in overturning a $ 500
per admission cap on Medicaid re embursement -
for General
Assistance patients in Illinois, which had been in effect for the
16
Health / PAC Bulletin
Montefiore Medical Center
Rikers Island Health Services
Psychiatrist / Program Director
Psychiatrist needed to serve as Director of our new
program of Mental Health Services for the New
York City Department of Correction. This program
will have a professional staff of approximately fifty.
Our goal is to create a model program of mental
health care for this special population.
The Director must be Board Certified in Psychiatry
and should have significant experience in the
practice and administration of community, social,
emergency, or administrative psychiatry.
Excellent salary and benefits as well as an academic
appointment at the Albert Einstein College of
Medicine are available to the successful candidate.
We seek an individual with a strong commitment to
social justice to develop and run this program. We
take affirmative action to equal opportunity. Send
CV to: - Personnel Manager
Montefiore Rikers Island Health Services
15-15 Hazen Street
East Elmhurst, NY 11370
Future Shuck
Experts on the New Era in Health Care
by Joe Feinglass
The The
recent Ninth Annual Illinois Blue Cross - Blue Shield
Symposium offered a lot of abstract concepts, but it was
more than an academic exercise. The standing room only
crowd of several thousand heeled well -
health care executives,
administrators, consultants, professors, and political operatives
makes decisions about how to manage the nation's health care
bill which affect the cost and coverage of our health insurance,
how often our kids can see a dentists or afford new eyeglasses,
the availability of care for our elderly relatives who may no
longer be able to live at home, whether our neighborhood
hospital or clinic will stay open, or even how our doctors
examine and treat us for different illnesses.
These policy makers packed the Hyatt Regency Chicago's
Grand Ballroom expecting to hear an all star - lineup of pun-
dits and senior politicians diagnose the problems in the politics
and economics of U.S. health. What they got was a prospec-
tus on the new era of health care competition.
The speakers had little or nothing to say about once tradi-
tional issues such as improving access to care for the disad-
vantaged, the need to protect all Americans from financial ruin
while sick, or the need to reduce the indignities and regional
disparities of health care facilities. (One exception was Illinois
Senator Paul Simon's call for extending Medicare coverage to
dentures, eyeglasses, and hearing aids, all vital needs of
millions of elderly low income -
Americans.) And despite the
participants'obsession with health care costs, virtually nothing
was said about public health or the preventable causes of ill-
ness and injury. Instead, almost everyone tended to accept and
reinforce all the implicit assumptions underlying the transfor-
mation of health care from a public community service to a
private consumer good available to those able to pay for it.
Cutting into the Future
The introductory panel featured Illinois Congressman Bob
Michel, House Republican leader, and Dan Rostenkowski,
Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee. These
two powers in health care legislation joined together to pro-
claim the need for budgetary encouragement for private in-
itiatives, particularly health maintenance organizations
(HMO's). Rostenkowski stressed that Medicare, " which has
no comparision amongst entitlement programs, " has to be cut.
Joe Feinglass is a Health Specialization Ph.D. student in Public
Policy analysis at the University of Illinois Chicago -
School of
Urban Planning and Policy. He would like to thank Professor
Jack Salmon for his help and comments on his article.
Michel congratulated the private sector for helping to lower
the annual number of doctor visits and hospital admissions,
and praised the growing number of companies which now re-
quire employees to pay a portion of their health insurance
premiums.
This bipartisan sentiment is not limited to the Illinois con-
gressional delegation. For the first time in over a decade, the
Democratic Party platform relegated national health insurance
to a " term long - goal, " rather than a legislative proposal. The
Republican platform bowed to election year pressures by ex-
cluding any reference to President Reagan's proposed voucher
system for Medicare beneficiaries. (In theory, this would save
money by converting Medicare insurance benefits to lump sum
payments and permit the elderly to shop around for the best
health care buy; for the reality, see " Survival of the Fittest, "
Bulletin, May June - 1981.)
Lauding Competition
At the conference, those endorsing the new era included Paul
Starr, the author of the bestselling Social Transformation of
American Medicine. He offered the good news that health care
for profit is already driving down costs. Competition, he
argued, is the inevitable consequence of past expansionary
policies such as more medical school admissions, overbuilt
hospital capacity, and extended insurance coverage. The cur-
rent cost containment effort is part of the general disillusion-
ment with 1960's concerns about redistribution and growth,
he suggested, and the 1970's " nothing works " syndrome has
undermined the legitimacy of increased health care spending.
Starr applauded corporate consolidation and vertical integra-
tion of facilities (hospitals acquiring satellite clinics, HMO's
buying hospitals, etc.), saying it has the potential to produce
savings while maintaining quality care. Competing hospitals
will have to slash prices and provide unique services to win
contracts from prepaid plans. Hospital administrators will no
longer be able to expect automatic reimbursement for ever-
higher hospital charges; they will be bargaining with an " MBA
with 10,000 patients in his briefcase. "
Most importantly, Starr noted, HMO's and corporate
medicine will produce dramatically more efficient physician
practice habits. In their decisions to admit patients to the
hospital, order laboratory tests, and prescribe drugs, therapy,
or surgery, physicians generate about 70 percent of all health
care costs. He cited a study demonstrating that an HMO physi-
cian serves 100 patients, while private fee service - for -
physi-
cians in the surrounding area serve only 250; each HMO
surgeon performs nine procedures a week, as opposed to an
Health / PAC Bulletin
17
average of three per week for fee service - for -
surgeons.
Only in passing did Starr comment on the potential downside
of health care competition, which goes quite far down. When
doctors have to process long lines of waiting patients quickly,
doctor patient -
intimacy is bound to decline. When doctors are
constantly monitored by hospital administrators bent on cut-
ting costs to a minimum, professional quality standards will
certainly suffer. There will also be new limits to medical care
for the very sick, the poor, and the less fortunate elderly, all
of whom are unattractive to HMO's since caring for them costs
more than " competitively " set premiums provide.
Another perspective was offered by Henry Aaron of the
Brookings Institution, a relatively liberal think - tank, who co-
authored the recent book Painful Prescription: Rationing
Health Care. Like most other health care economists, Aaron
sees the rapid growth in medical care costs as an inevitable con-
sequence of the lack of a free market, since widespread in-
surance coverage naturally means health care consumers are
not concerned about the actual cost of services and physicians
and hospitals are only too happy to provide as much care,
necessary or not, as insurance will reimburse them for. Aaron
argued that thinking this momentum can be slowed significant-
ly by increasing efficiency is a delusion, " the hospital version
of eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse in government. "
Forcing consumers to pay more out pocket - of -
deductibles
won't have much effect either, he asserted: " no country has
done it at - times of illness people are spared most cost. "
Aaron also expressed skepticism about the effect of HMO's
on costs, noting that even if every U.S. hospital were to match
the alleged 30 percent lower HMO admission rate (HMO's cur-
rently cover only seven percent of the U.S. population), the
savings would still equal only about 10-15 percent of the cur-
rent hospital care budget, and cut the soaring health care in-
flation rate by only one or two percent.
Our best hope, he suggested, is to learn from Great Britain,
which has achieved a higher life expectancy and lower infant
mortality than the U.S. He believes this is in large measure the
result of state guaranteed social services and a much lower
poverty rate. He then noted that even though the U.S. and Bri-
tain train physicians similarly and share common medical jour-
nals as well as standards for medical research, the cost of
hospital care per person there is one half ours. The primary
reason, according to Aaron, is the British willingness to ac-
cept rationing of scarce and costly medical resources.
He reported that the British generally apply the same stan-
dards of care to most illnesses, including costly treatments such
as chemotherapy and bone marrow transplants -- when a
positive effect has been demonstrated. The biggest differen-
tials between U.S. and British medicine, he said, come in cases
where treatments have little or no proven effects, particularly
expensive procedures for the elderly and terminally ill. For
instance, the British use one third less hemodialysis for renal
failure, and generally none for patients over 55. They use one
quarter less x rays - per patient; British hospitals have one sixth
as many coronary artery operations as ours do.
This rationing generally occurs in a subtle, impersonal way,
Aaron said. Often British physicians will refer to the limited
technological capacity of their facilities as a method of
discouraging further care. They may also attempt to reconcile
older patients to the reality of an inevitable outcome. Here,
said Aaron, different cultural traits are crucial: " While the
British patient tends toward the stiff upper lip, the American
patient typically demands that something, anything, be done. "
The rationing that Aaron proposed obviously raises difficult
18
Health / PAC Bulletin
moral and ethical problems. In the words of another conference
participant, physician and author Stanley Wohl, " Rationing is
obscene when 20 percent of our hospital system is earning
enormous profits for private shareholders. " Furthermore, as
Aaron himself noted, those likely to be rationed are the poor
and the uninsured, " an old American tradition. "
Hopes for DRG's
Not surprisingly, the new Diagnosis - Related Groups system
for Medicare hospital patient reimbursement (see Bulletin,
March - April 1984) was a prime topic of discussion. Stuart
Altman, Dean of the Heller Graduate School of Brandeis
University and a member of the Institute of Medicine's Pro-
spective Payment Commission, raised the key question of
whether strict DRG rates will actually be enforced. He re-
counted his own experience years ago as a naive young health
planner who thought he was going to block duplicate hospital
purchases of high - tech equipment- We " thought we were go-
ing to eat CT scanners for breakfast. " Despite what he had
thought were the strict cost containment measures of the 1974
Health Planning Act (known as the " hospital caviar " amend-
ments), it turned out that hospital accountants could always
create ingenious methods to exploit loopholes in the
legislation.
A similar process is already underway with DRG's, Altman
declared. Consultants are rushing to sell hospitals new medical
records software packages designed to maximize DRG reim-
bursement. He asserted that it is often not very difficult for
a doctor or hospital medical record staff to alter a patient's
primary diagnosis to obtain a higher DRG reimbursement rate.
" DRG creep, " the extraordinary ability of hospitals to find
secondary complications invisible under other reimbursement
systems, " is now approaching DRG gallop, " according to
Altman. He estimated that creative recordkeeping could raise
reimbursement rates as much as 12-15 percent, and predicted
a " computer star wars " as the government's Health Care Financ-
ing Administration increases the sophistication of its anti creep -
software system.
Reinhardt's Rebuttal
If audience reaction is any indication, the prize address of
the conference was given by Professor Uwe Reinhardt of
Princeton. Widely known in industry circles for his sarcastic
health care jokes (a recent essay he wrote on regulation was
entitled " Table Manners at the Health Care Feast "), he loves
to rub the faces of health care executives into their affluence,
and they love him for doing it.
In his customary maverick manner, Reinhardt rebutted the
common wisdom answers to a series of basic questions.
Could the government be bankrupted by spiraling health care
costs? Not likely, he said, pointing out that the U.S. has the
smallest public health sector of any industrial nation. Further-
more, he noted, the government can squeeze providers: most
have high fixed overhead costs and low marginal or variable
costs per patient; so long as reimbursement covers these
variable costs, the government can " make Humana eat it if -
squished to the wall. " He sees the DRG system as just the begin-
ning, " a two by four to hit the donkey over the head to get his
attention. "
Are HMO's the future of health care delivery? Reinhardt
doubts it: " If the Yuppies won't send their kids to public schools
they aren't going to buy HMO's. "
Are corporate profits and the international competitiveness
of American business endangered by hugh health care costs?)>
Bulletin Board
Digesting the Indigestible
The new Digest of Electronics Data contains a short
but excellent summary of environmental and occupa-
tional hazards in the electronics industry, as well as good
economic and social background information. It was
prepared by Michael Eisenscher, a consultant to labor
and community organizations in the Silicon Valley.
Copies are $ 3 for individuals, $ 5 for unions and non-
profit organizations, plus 50 cents for postage and handl-
ing (and six percent sales tax for California residents)
from Silicon Valley Digest, Michael Eisenscher, 138
South 20th St., San Jose, CA 95116.
words) is March 12. Send them to Jane Sprague Zones /
Joan Emery, Aging Health Policy Center, University of
California N631Y, San Francisco, CA 94143.
be Phuoblldiicn gR eas pcoonnsfiebrielnictey oinn "M eAIdDiSc i-n eE tahnidc aRle,s eLaergcahl ,w ialnld
Social Considerations Considerations
Hotel in Boston, schedu,l e"d Atpor iplr e2c4e-d2e5 aant NtIhHe /P aNrakt iPolnaazla
Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases meeting on
AIDS at the same hotel. For further information, con-
tact Joan Rachlin, Executive Director. PRIM & R, 132
Boylston St., Boston, MA 02116.
$ 5.95 an Ounce
The National Association of Community Health
Centers Eighth Annual Migrant Health Conference will
be held April 11-14 in Seattle, WA. The theme is " Tradi-
For this price, much cheaper than a cure, you can buy
a copy of Evaluation of Prevention Programs: A Basic
guide for Practitioners. This booklet by D. Paul
Moberg provides techniques for evaluating virtually any
type of human services or educational program.
Available from Wisconsin Clearinghouse, 1954 East
Washington Ave., Madison, WI 53704.
tion and Change in the Migrant Family. " For further in-
formation, contact Francine White, 1625 I St., N.W.,
Suite 420, Washington, DC 20006, (202) 833-9280.
The Association for Faculty in the Medical
Humanities welcomes papers of less than 20 minutes
reading time on any topic relating to health care and
traditional concerns of the humanities for its conference
Conference Calls
The Women's Caucus of the American Public Health
Association is inviting abstracts on women's health and
the participation of women in the health field for the 1985
to be held during the Association for American Medical
Colleges meeting October 26-31 in Washington, DC. To
facilitate blind review, the author's name should appear
only on the title page. Send five copies by May 31 to
David Barnard, Ph.D., Institute for Medical
APHA annual meeting, to be held this fall in
Humanities, University of Texas Medical Branch,
Washington, DC. The deadline abstracts for the
(150-200
eo Galavel st onx ,
TX 77550.
" Business bellyaching, " snorted Reinhardt, arguing that the five
percent of payroll expenses going for health insurance is less
of a burden than business taxes are in Europe. He suggested
that American companies seeking ways to cut their health
outlays would do better to spend their time studying his
Mercedes so they would learn how to make superior products.
Are doctors going to be squeezed by the much discussed -
" oversupply "? " The medical school graduate today is a young
man with a champagne class in his hand who looks into the
mirror and smiles, " declared Reinhardt, adding that physicians
may have " frittered away much of their prestige, " but they re-
main " the traffic cops of the system - they direct the flow of
money anywhere they please. " He also noted that the physi-
cian increase includes a growing number of female doctors,
who see only 60-70 percent as many patients as their male
counterparts.
Reinhardt does foresee continuing rapid growth in the health
care industry. He also agrees that competition will win out over
regulation in the near term. He believes this will happen in
part because government rate regulation, advocated by Senator
Ted Kennedy and private insurance company executives among
others, invokes the subjective principle of a fair profit, or a
regulated return to equity. This has been controversial when
applied to utilities, he observed, and would be even more so
for health care: " Consultants like me would be called in to ad-
vise that anywhere from eight percent to 24 percent is a fair
rate of return. " Once a comprehensive regulatory process
begins, providers would quickly have to submit to political
pressure for regulated operating costs, he suggested, and such
global budgeting, characteristic of European socialized
medicine, would be fiercely resisted by virtually every industry
interest group.
The professor concluded by calling attention to a great irony
in health care competition: it's first victim would be the prac-
tice of charging paying customers for charity care for the poor
and the indigent; with the " fig leaf of cost shifting gone, the
poor and uninsured will have to come begging on their knees. "
This, Reinhardt commented, is just one more example of our
low valuation of social peace. We pay daily for massive " in-
ternal defense expenditures " such as police, guards, locks,
barbed wire, and prisons - and, of course, for the crime and
vandalism these measures don't prevent - which in the long run
will prove far more expensive than the alternative course of
" joining the ranks of civilized nations. "
Unfortunately health care policymakers, including those at
this symposium, seem to pay more attention to profits than to
prophets such as Professor Reinhardt.
O
Health / PAC Bulletin
19
Media
Scan
Freudenberg, Nicholas, Not in Our
Backyards: Community Action for
Health and the Environment. New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1984.
by Tony Bale and Robb Burlage
Waterwagons have appeared in weal-
thy suburbs of Southern California and
Long Island, supplying safe public water
just as they did in 19th century inner city
tenement rows. Shocking in itself, this is
also an ecological parable of our times,
an indication that the post World -
War II
" effluent society " has invaded wealthy
neighborhoods as well as working class
communities such as Love Canal in New
York and Times Beach in Missouri.
Dangers lurk everywhere in this
paranoid's nightmare come true. Toxic
materials turn up inside the home,
schools, and workplaces as well as in the
air and ground. Toxic wastes which
nobody kept track of in communities
reappear in home basements, gardens,
playgrounds, and water supplies; proper-
ty values plummet. People fear for their
lives and those of their children.
Those responsible have, at best,
shown little foresight. Public warnings
have been rare or nonexistent. There is
evidence some corporate perpetrators
and their company physicians and scien-
tists have actually suppressed what
knowledge there was. When confronted
with preliminary evidence of disasters in
the making, the regulatory arms of the
state which allow risks to develop have
responded slowly.
Compelled to rely on their own
resources, people in communities
throughout the country have created
premonitory, do yourself - it -
science
which has all too often confirmed their
fears that there is more disease around
them than there should be. Their leaders,
often women, have emerged as adept
organizers and advocates, challenging
coroporations and agencies of the state.
They and their local groups are now
reaching out to others as they begin to
realize that solutions to the menaces they
face often lie far beyond their
communities.
Combatting toxic waste hazards in the
community has become a cross - class
" new public health " concern, extending
beneath and beyond the remarkably
broad support for government interven-
tion to protect the environment. Its
power, part of the phenomenon of what
Harry Boyte has called " The Backyard
Revolution, " is already sufficient to alter
the rhetoric, and sometimes the policies,
of the state.
This is all the more impressive
because the opposition remains strong.
Despite prodding from congressional
liberals, the Environmental Protection
Administration is reluctant to move
beyond the previous Federal " Superfund "
appropriations for clean - up; fiscal con-
straints are often cited as an obstacle.
Deference to industrial prerogatives is
often as strong on the state level as it is
in Washington, or stronger.
Nicholas Freudenberg's Not in Our
Backyards is the first book to pull
together the diverse strands of this move-
ment, which burst into national visibili-
ty in 1978 when residents of the Love
Canal community near Niagara Falls
found out that they were living atop a
massive dump for toxic chemicals.
Freudenberg integrates experiences
from around the country into a complex
picture of where the movement comes
from, what lessons it has learned, and
where it might go. Combining his ex-
perience as an organizer in this move-
ment with an academic background as a
professor of community health educa-
tion, he asks and attempts to answer the
basic questions the issue raises: Why are
we facing this continual assault on our
health? What can we do to stop it?
His book is an excellent primer for
reviewing the major environmental
hazards facing communities in the U.S.
and globally, and the adverse health ef-
fects of each stage of the production
process - in petrochemical production,
power generation, agribusiness, mining,
and manufacturing; from the initial ex-
traction of raw materials to waste
disposal.
After laying this groundwork
Freudenberg presents a variety of case
studies to show the breadth of the move-
ment in this country, using published
sources and his own extensive interviews
and questionaires. Failures are candid-
ly discussed, although, perhaps partly
due to self selection -
in the response to
this national survey, small but locally
significant victories predominate.
There is, for example, the description
of how a New York City couple who
became concerned about a proposed
storage facility for highly explosive
liquefied natural gas initiated a group
called BLAST and, through trial and
error, learned important lessons about
how to research a toxic waste problem.
The efforts of a rural, largely Black-
populated county in North Carolina to
avoid becoming the home of a dump for
PCB's provide valuable lessons in
organizing and gaining national attention
through the media.
One of the most noteworthy points in
the book, buttressed by many examples,
is that the general perception that en-
vironmental concerns are middle class
' The
Strikers
from '
a
French
Journal
,
1904
220
Health / PAC Bulletin
issues is inaccurate; there is a strong cur-
rent of working class, low and moderate
income leadership in these grassroots
organizations which, Freudenberg
urges, should be recognized and sup-
ported. Many of these leaders are
women describing themselves as house-
wives; others are industrial workers and
small farmers.
Freudenberg also explores the poten-
tial for links with racial and ethnic
minority communities and organized
labor, again citing examples, such as
community support for an Oil,
Chemical, and Atomic Workers strike
against Shell Oil over occupational and
environmental health protection issues.
Such explorations are particularly im-
portant now, when splits among environ-
mentalists along class and consciousness
lines are a real danger. Witness the June
1984 call for international " free trade "
solutions to environmental problems.
Some groups such as Environmentalists
for Full Employment voiced vigorous
opposition. However the report, which
blatantly ignores U.S. labor movement
concerns about imports including - including
those from overseas operations of U.S.
multinationals set up in part to escape
environmental regulation here- was
signed by major environmental organiza-
tions such as the Natural Resources
Defense Council and the Sierra Club.
Another important point Freudenberg
makes, again supported by his national
survey, is that community residents and
industrial workers can be very know-
ledgeable about complex issues of health
impacts and links to specific processes,
and can be very responsive to coopera-
tive offers of scientific and professional
education and supportive advocacy. In
many cases, the book notes, community
groups achieve their expertise despite the
inadequacy of established scientific
research and government regulation-
not to say the inadequacy of communica-
tion with the affected communities.
The Role of Professionals
Professionals whose work concerns
community health and quality of life pro-
tection may find this aspect of the book
most challenging. Combining the views
of the community groups he surveyed
with his own thinking, Freudenberg sug-
gests guidelines for effective educa-
tional, developmental, and advocacy
activity which include the need for
positive and open responses by public of-
ficials, at least in an " early warning
system. " He also stresses the potential for
political alliances offered by these
organizations and uprisings.
The May 1984 Journal of the
American Public Health Association
report of Freudenberg's national survey
findings, which noted the widespread
community organization perception of
official obstruction and even cover - ups,
was paired with a lead guest editorial by
Dr. David Harris, Commissioner of the
Department of Health Services of Suf-
folk County, New York. Headlined
" Health Department: Enemy or Cham-
pion of the People?, this editorial
lamented the " scientific illiteracy " of
most citizens and the " science anti -"
at-
titudes and " environmental paranoia " of
community groups - in Harris'Long
Island area, over pesticides in ground
water. " Public health workers, " he con-
cluded, " must somehow rise above the
clamor... in the face of criticism and
false accusations. "
The debate surfaced again in an
editorial in the September issue entitled
" The Environment Returns to the Health
Department. " The writer, Dr. Lloyd
Novick, now Director of the State of
Arizona Department of Health Services,
cites an agency survey in the same issue
as evidence that
The sharply increased health depart-
ment activity...will continue to ex-
pand as the number of toxic chemicals
in our environment grows and more
information about their adverse health
effects becomes available. The
historical role of health departments in
the protection of the community,
epidemiological investigation, and
public education uniquely fits them to
this expanded, if not fundamentally
new, role in the environmental quan-
daries that lie ahead.
Another editorial in the same issue on
COSH groups (wide area - committees or
coalitions for occupational safety and
health), entitled " A Grass - roots Public
Health Movement, " notes that " important
links have been forged between occupa-
tional and environmental health activists
through community fights for right - to-
know laws and attempts to deal with
hazardous waste effects. "
Freudenberg's work, therefore, may be
salutary in challenging public health pro-
fessionals and assisting them in reassert-
ing an " historical role " of appreciating
both the need for community action and
the corporate and political nature of the
problem.
" The primary causes of pollution in
this country are the social and political
imperatives of modern capitalism, " he
declares, " and so the real solution to en-
vironmental problems is to transform a
system that puts profit ahead of human
needs. "
The question is how to develop the
broad coalition this will require.
Freudenberg briefly discusses the
Japanese environmental movement and
the West German Greens, but he has no
illusions that a national movement is
about to coalesce in the United States
able to move the grassroots groups much
beyond their own backyards. He is, how-
ever, optimistic, foreseeing a movement
in the decade to come that battles for two
rights articulated by the local groups:
" The right to live in an environment that
does not damage health and the right to
participate in making the decisions about
the environment in which one lives. "
He proposes that these rights be an in-
tegral part of popular movements for a
national and internationalist politics of
industrial conversion and control which
goes beyond established frameworks of
" industrial policy " or environmental
negotiation. The book ends with a
preliminary program for moving towards
a socialist environmentalist - transforma-
tion.
Freudenberg's conception also pro-
vides a strong potential link, analytically
and practically, between the politicized
community development and organizing
activities he describes and the " new
public health " movement whose acti-
vists, most prominently women's groups
and health workers, challenge and pro-
vide alternatives to costly, limited, and
dangerous aspects of our high techno- -
logy dominated -
medical care system.
Ostensibly local health and sectoral
health care issues can then become the
basis for a national commun- work - and -
ity based -
democratic movement for
health protection and quality - of - life pro-
motion. This would require advancing
beyond the often reactive community
rebellions to a more comprehensive
health and political movement that builds
on and links itself consciously with, for
example, insurgent labor movements and
broader, often minority - led, social
movements.
Obviously this will require more than
creative community education outreach
and advocacy about environmental and
occupational health. And it must be
remembered that this movement will be
up against the world's most advanced and
complex technological forces, including
global nuclear weaponry and the " medi-
cal industrial -
complex. " But the surpris-
ing organizational seeds which Not in
Our Backyards so well describes and
analyzes will give its readers hope that
Health / PAC Bulletin
21
there is much to grow from.
O
Tony Bale and Robb Burlage are
members of the Health / PAC Board.
Workers at Risk: Voices from the
Workplace by Dorothy Nelkin and
Michael S. Brown. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1984.
by David Kotelchuck
In occupational health and safety, to
borrow a phrase from Rev. Martin
Luther King, Jr., " We've come a long,
long way, but we've still got a long, long
way to go. "
In this book of interviews conducted
and edited by two Cornell researchers,
75 people, from chemical and electronics
factory workers to lab technicians,
firefighters, railroad workers, and
gardeners, explain why.
Joe, a chemical worker (last names are
not used to protect the workers)
describes the time when he spent 30 days
in a hospital: " We had the phosgene in
2000 pound -
cylinders and ran it in
through hoses. There was a leak in the
cylinder one day so I notified the super-
visor, who said I should go out and
tighten it up. But when I twisted the
wrench, the whole fitting fell off and
phosgene hit me. I got a pretty good dose
of it. I went into convulsions and couldn't
breathe. They had me in an oxygen tent.
Then, for months after I got out of the
hospital, every once in a while I wouldn't
be able to breathe. That's happened two
or three different times in the last eight
or ten years. The day after the accident
I was given a written warning from the
company because I didn't have the pro-
per safety equipment when I went over
to the phosgene tank. You know, they
covered their ass. "
Many workers describe their fear: " At
30 I didn't worry. At 46 I worry a lot, "
and, often eloquently, their anger: " The
company cares nothing about its
employees, or even its supervisors. It's
just a board of directors who only care
about profits for their stockholders. They
will put up the facade of being safety-
conscious, but the reality of working
conditions - that is of little concern,
because fixing them would reduce pro-
fits. I personally believe that the rich, the
powerful, the large corporations, take
advantage of the workers. We've become
dehumanized, subject to machine - speed
theories, as if we're mice in a maze.
We've been toyed with, played with, and
symbolically given compensation in the
form of paychecks every Wednesday,
with little or no regard for how long we'll
enjoy the paycheck or for the economic
hardship on our wives and our children
if we were to die of an occupational
disease. It's of little concern to them, it's
of great concern to us. "
They also describe their resistance:
" Why am I active in safety? Partly
because I kept getting hassled. You can't
wear your safety glasses because they're
all steamed up, but if you take them off
a piece of the pipe may blow in your eyes
and they'll blame you for not having your
safety glasses on.... "
How Companies Cover Up
One of the real insights in the book is
how many different ways companies
cover up their inaction and lack of con-
cern. Together, the workers from dif-
ferent jobs and industries, about half of
them in unions, describe almost enough
to fill a corporate manual on " How to
Save Money At the Expense of Health
and Safety. " Here are some of their ploys:
" When we complain the reply is,
' Engineering is looking at it.'After a few
years, Engineering does look at it, but
then it requires parts and these can be on
order for a year and a half. When they
get the parts in, it takes them six months
to get it together, and when they do get
it together they have to take it apart and
do it again because they don't do it right.
The company can see no reason why
anything should be shut down if we need
that product:'A piece of tape will fix the
leak until we can get it done. Just be
careful. Don't walk under it, walk around
it. That's pretty much the way they run
the plant. "
" There was a problem with the
disposal and storage of chemicals. It was
especially bad for people who smoked.
So instead of trying to solve the problem,
they eliminated the smoking, which was
more or less a form of punishment.
That's a blame worker - the -
approach; it's
a way of saying'O.K., you bad people,
this is what you get for speaking up.'To
this day, there is still no smoking allow-
ed in the press room. "
" I wore a mask when I worked direct-
ly with toxics. It's so uncomfortable to
wear this thing. After hours of wearing
it, I'd get these really tight indentations
in my face. It was totally inconvenient.
I couldn't communicate, I was wearing
goggles, respirator, lab coat, surgical
gloves, because that's what we were sup-
posed to do. But how long can you wear
that without feeling like you're inside of
a clam shell filled with marshmallows? "
" Anything that goes wrong - machine
breaks down, box of film gets fogged - in
their view it's never the machine's fault,
it's always human error. They couldn't
care less if you died, except that if you
die you should die outside so they don't
have to have an ambulance come with a
stretcher. "
" You never balance the wage against
the risk, " says Arnie, a worker in a food
processing plant, " You balance the wage
against the alternative. And the alter-
native is starving when you're put in this
situation. That's what's so phony about
this cost /
benefit analysis. A worker in the plant
doesn't say,'Well, I'm getting $ 6.50 an
hour so I'm gonna take this risk.'The
worker in the plant says, I'm getting
$ 6.50 an hour. If I open my mouth I
might get nothing an hour, or I might get
minimum wage. In that case, I can't af-
ford to live. So, what's the difference?
There's no difference for a person in that
position. Either way they're trapped. "
Others have found a way out of this
trap - through a militant union.
" We sat down to look at the injury and
illness reports of the company, and we
found seven lost time - accidents all
related to the steps, " explained one
worker, " We decided that fixing the steps
was the first issue to take on, because it
affected the biggest number of peo-
ple...We found that every set of steps in
the plant except for the two that came
down from the offices failed to meet
OSHA standards. We confronted
management and said we wanted the
stairs changed.
" They weren't very sophisticated on
how to handle a grievance. They told us,
' Those steps only have to meet OSHA
standards if you carry things up the
stairs. So we're issuing a meno effective
today, that no only will carry anything up
the stairs. We called an emergency union
meeting and got everyone to work to
rule:'They say don't carry anything up
these steps, we won't carry nothing up.
Nothing!'When we had to load a still, we
didn't carry a pipe wrench up those steps.
If we had to use a pipe wrench, we'd go
and find a lift truck. Then we'd go and
find a flat, put our pipe wrench in the
middle, bring it over to the still, and haul
it up. That all took 45 minutes. After a
week the company caved in. We got what
we wanted. "
Easy to read and well worth the time,
22
Health / PAC Bulletin
this book has one major problem: It costs
$ 20. It would be nice if the University of
Chicago press put out soft cover-
editions - so workers like those whose
story this is can afford to read it.
David Kotelchuck teaches at the Hunter
College School of Health Science and is
a member of the Health / PAC Board.
of the book, Dr. Budoff has the unfor-
ever so much more eloquently. " Now
tunate habit of lionizing her own con-
really!
tributions to women's health. At a pro-
Still, for its attention to the medical
fessional meeting at which she spoke on
HRT, she tells us, a colleague grabbed "
aspects of older women's health, this is
a book worth reading.
O
the microphone... and said,'Penny
Budoff, I love you You... have said.
everything that I have always believed.
Judith Sackoff is a member of
Health / PAC's Women and Health Work-
and written about, but you have said it
ing Group.
X NATO MIAE
HV MANI CAPIT S
FIG VRA TERTIA
ettlamnue
E
3
No More Hot Flashes and Other Good
News by Penny Wise Budoff, MD. New
York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1984.
by Judith Sackoff
In recent years, volume after volume
has been written on pregnancy and
childbirth, but hardly a word about the
health concerns of older women. No
More Hot Flashes and Other Good News
by Dr. Penny Wise Budoff fills at least
a portion of this lacuna. Her focus is the
biomedical aspects of concerns such as
osteoporosis, breast and uterine cancer,
urinary incontinence, and the hot flashes
that sometimes accompany menopause.
The presentation of these difficult sub-
jects is intellectually honest and, at the
same time, accessible to a nonmedical
audience.
The chapter on Hormone Replace-
ment Therapy (HRT), for example,
should be useful in helping women sort
through the medical controversies sur-
rounding its use. Dr. Budoff recom-
mends HRT as a cure for the hot flashes
that plague some women during
menopause, showing how it works in the
chemistry of the menstrual cycle and the
changes that occur during menopause.
She carefully distinguishes between
HRT and Estrogen Replacement
Therapy (-widely ERT)
prescribed as a
therapy for hot flashes until it was link-
ed to uterine cancer. (HRT uses a trial of
progesterone to counteract the potential-
ly cancerous buildup of cells caused by
taking estrogen alone.)
The book, however, has two short-
comings, one in content and the other in
tone. First, Dr. Budoff makes only a very
superficial attempt to put the medical
dimensions of older women's health in
their appropriate cultural context. The
potential abuse of HRT in the search for
eternal youth, for example, is not
touched on.
Second, at least in the early sections
Not In Our Genes by Richard C. Lewon-
tin, Steven Rose, and Leon J. Kamin.
New York: Pantheon Books.
by Eric Holtzman
Not In Our Genes, subtitled Biology,
Ideology and Human Nature, has two in-
tertwined themes. It attacks, vigorously,
the " biologically determinist " view that
humans are significantly constrained in
their social and intellectual activities by
inherent biological limitations. And, it
sets forth the outlines of a " dialectical "
biology, stemming from the Marxist
tradition, that gives central place to the
mutual interlacing of biology, society
and physical environment.
The authors are outstanding and
world recognized - scientists whose
specialities are complementary: Lewon-
Dryander,
Anatomia
, Capits
Marburg
1536
tin is a population geneticist; Rose a
neurobiologist; Kamin a psychologist.
All three have long histories of
outspoken participation in the controver-
sies on which they comment. They ably
elucidate the political connections of the
scientific issues they discuss; in the first
pages they state their " commitment to the
prospect of the creation both of a more
socially just -
a socialist - society " and of
a corresponding critical science, whose
instincts are to look for possibilities
rather than limits. Partly as a conse-
quence of such forthrightness, Not In
Our Genes rapidly evoked public praise
or attack, with predictable emphases, by
major figures along the " right left - " spec-
trum in modern biology such as Stephen
Jay Gould, P.B. Medawar, and Bernard
Davis.
The heart of the book, occupying its
middle sections, covers familiar terrain,
Health / PAC Bulletin
23
dealing with questions such as: Is IQ in-
herited? To what extent are human social
structures, such as patriarchy, expres-
sions of biological imperatives? Is
schizophrenia a genetic disorder? Should
" conditions " such as hyperactivity among
school children be treated as medical
problems, appropriately dealt with by
pharmacological means? The authors
readily demolish the views of the more
extreme of their opponents. They
demonstrate the paucity and weakness of
the data upon which leading theories
have been built, and identify the biases
that are often manifest in the underlying
research.
For some tastes, there may be a cer-
tain amount of overkill or imbalance
here. I think the authors could give more
credit to those areas of work in the
sociobiology of human non -
species that
are moving in constructive directions.
Nonetheless the book will be very useful
for its concise, detailed marshallings of
the crucial arguments against those who
seek to skew our educational systems,
hiring practices, and self images -
on the
basis of pessimistic assumptions about
human potential and social possibilities.
Even readers with only a minimal
background in the sciences will come
away innoculated against taking studies
of the IQ's or mental disorders of twins
too seriously, or accepting too rapidly
the psychiatric labeling of behavior.
These authors know their stuff and know
how to present it. They cannot readily be
dismissed as childish know nothings -
or
wishful thinkers.
The beginning and the end of the book
will be less familiar to those who have
not previously encountered " radical
science. " The book opens with an
analysis of science as a social and
historical construct; it is designed to
demonstrate that the sciences inex-
tricably join, in dialectical tension, the
intellectual search for " the truth " with
service to ideological needs of socially
dominant classes. Biological deter-
minism, from this vantage point, pro-
vides legitimation for key elements of
bourgeois society such as the inequalities
among classes. The incorporation of
such arguments in this book arises, I
believe, from the authors'conviction that
it is misoriented to seek to obtain
" objective " and meaningful information
about important biological constraints on
human social and intellectual capacities
and activities (other than such obvious
ones as the need to eat or the inability to
fly).
Defenders of the opposing view read-
ily admit that there are flaws in the
information and procedures used to sup-
port, for example, the belief that IQ is in-
heritable; they call for redoubling our ef-
forts to improve the data and refine the
analyses (see, e.g., the lead editorial in
Nature 309: 579, 1984). Lewontin, Rose
and Kamin, in contrast, assert that in
most crucial areas there is no realistic
way to determine what limits biology
may actually impose. For them, analyses
of the type, now popular, that attempt to
ascribe X percent of a characteristic to
biological influences and Y percent to
environmental ones are highly suspect in
principle when the subject is evolution.
or social structure or intellectual and
emotional development. In fact, the
book implies strongly that the very effort
to decide how much biology there is in
our social and intellectual lives is ir-
remediably flawed and politicized at
birth, since it involves decisions about
which elements to emphasize and which
tools to use that are themselves products
of social influences and as such strong-
ly color or even preordain the outcome.
These arguments are important ones to
make; they get at deep seated -
discom-
forts experienced by many people, scien-
tists and nonscientists, who share the
authors'distaste for racism and sexism
but think of science as occupying a
special insulated niche. Their argument
puts them in direct opposition to the view
expressed in the Nature editorial to
which I referred above, that we should
go ahead full blast with studies of the
hereditability of IQ, confident that ir-
respective of the outcome there will be
little social effect - or at least that the
science itself will not be to blame for the
effects. Such a call for more information
is always a difficult one to resist, since
it resonates strongly with our commit-
ments to openmindedness and freedom
of inquiry. Lewontin, Rose, and Kamin's
response is that social impacts of such
studies and on such studies are near the
center of the scientific attempt, and that
the social and the scientific can never
really be disentangled.
The book ends with an effort to sketch
features of a dialectical biology designed
to avoid reductionism and determinism,
both cultural and biological. The authors
consider this a very important project,
lamenting that too much of their own
energy has been consumed with fighting
the ever recurring -
fires of determinism
and too little with " drawing plans for a
truly fireproof " biology. An effective
biology, they believe, treats organism
and environment not simply as interact-
ing, but rather, as interpenetrating, in the
sense that each helps create and define
the other. Mind is not reducible to the
biology of the brain, but is rather, the
activity of the brain as a whole, as the in-
dividual encounters simultaneously both
itself and the outside world. Society is
not simply reducible to the sum of ac-
tivities of interacting individuals. Instead
individuals and societies exist in dialec-
tical relations that, for example, enable
society to negate the limitations of
individuals. Thus airplanes, a social pro-
duct, permit individuals to fly, some-
thing they may do as individuals but
cannot accomplish independently of
society. We have meaningful freedom of
action because the multiplicity of causal
pathways that affect us and that we affect
is so immense that in an appreciable
variety of realms our actions become " in-
dependent of any one or even a small
subset of [the] multiple paths of causa-
tion ".... Our biology has made us into
creatures who are constantly re creating -
our own psychic and material environ-
ments and whose individual lives are the
outcomes of an extraordinary multiplic-
ity of intersecting causal pathways. Thus
we are free. "
These last arguments, and those about
the social nature of science, at the begin-
ning of the book, are strong and
refreshing. One needn't accept every
detail to learn from them. The problem
is that they are too briefly developed.
The sciences are not simply ideological
tools; their relations with other social
forces are themeselves dialectical ones,
in which the sciences have historically
exerted appreciable " forward " pressure.
The authors are certainly aware of this,
but their awareness tends to get swamped
by the intensity of their desire to
demonstrate the linkage of determinism
to legitimation of the status quo. Simi-
larly the sketches of dialectical biology
they offer are attractive for their effort to
both blend and transcend holistic, in-
teractionist, and reductionist ap-
proaches. The authors clearly know that
science itself progresses by a sort of
dialectical interaction of different ap-
proaches. Reductionist, interactionist,
holistic, and avowedly dialectical " ex-
planations " or portraits of nature can
fruitfully coexist and lend mutual
strength to one another. The essential
argument of Lewontin, Rose, and Kamin
is simply that certain levels of analysis
demand a deliberately dialectical point
of view. But I suspect that only excep-
tionally alert readers will appreciate that
this need not imply denigration of the
24
Health / PAC Bulletin
THE CONTROL STATION OF YOUR BODY
CAMERA
Operators
Weapons and Hope by Freeman Dyson.
New York: Basic Books, 1984.
Living with Nuclear Weapons by the Har-
vard Nuclear Study Group. New York:
Bantam Books, 1983.
Indefensible Weapons by Robert J. Lif-
ton and Richard Falk. New York: Basic
Books, 1982.
The Fate of the Earth by Jonathan Schell.
New York: Knopf, 1982.
Protest and Survive, E.P. Thompson and
Dan Smith, ed. New York: Monthly
Review Press, 1981.
by John MacDougall
Action
tIhmea gbiinge dyeosukr birna itnh ea sh etahdeq ueaxretceurtsi voef fbircaen cihs otfh ea Gbeinge rbaulsi nMeasnsa.g eIrt -i sy oduirv
ided, asC onysociuo uss eSeel fh e- rweit,h tienltepoh onmea nliyn esl irnunensin gd teop aalrlt dmeepnartts- .d eSpaerat-t ededp aartt-
amnedn tFse.e lAirnogu n(dt hey olua satr et wyoo uhri dcdhein ebfe haisnsdi stthaen tcse n-tr atlh eo fSfuipceersi)n.t eNneadrebnyt sa losfo Ianrceo mtihne gS uMpeesrsiangteesn,d esnutcs ho fa sO uVtigsoiionng, MTeasssatgee,s SMmeeslsla,g eHse,a rwhiincgh,
control Speech and the movement of Arms, Legs, and all other parts of the body. Of course, only the most important messages
ever reach your office. Routine tasks, such as running the heart, lungs, and stomach, or supervising the minor details of muscular
work, are carried on by the Managers of Automatic Actions in the Medulla Oblongata and the Manager of Reflex Actions in the
Cerebellum. A other departments form what the scientists call the Cerebrum.
Suppose that you are walking absent mindedly -
in the street, and meet your friend Johnny Jones. He calls your name, you stop,
say Hulio! " and shake hands. It all seems very simple, but let's see what happened during that time in your brain. The instant
Johnny Johnny Johnny Jones Jones called your name, your Hearing Manager reported the sound, and your Camera Man flashed a picture of him to the
camera room. " Watch out! " came the signal to your desk, and at the same instant both messages were laid in front of you. As
quick as lightning, your little office boy, Memory, ran to his filing case and pulled out a card. The card told you that that voice
and that face belonged to a person named Johnny Jones and that he was your friend. Instantly you began issuing orders: " Tell
the Speech Manager to say'Hullo, Johnny'for me! Tell the Leg Superintendent Superintendent to stop walking at once! Te the Arm Superin-
tendent to stick out my hand right away and take Jones's hand! Tell the Face and Lip Superintendents to give this man a good
big smile! " In less than half a second all your orders were faithfully carried out. Think how much work is done in your brain
office every 24 hours!
utility of the other approaches; rather, it
is an insistence that science not be afraid
to tackle complexity head - on instead of
always trying to go around it. In the early
chapters of the book, several of the key
arguments are phrased in shorthand
terms that will be offputting for those not
already familiar with the Marxist tradi-
tion. The writing, while basically clear
and literate, lapses sometimes into
jargon - the worst abuse is " ontological, "
a word which recurs far too often.
I hope that such peripheral matters do
not deter those who are not already parti-
sans from giving this book the kind of
reading it deserves. That would be a
shame, especially since, as the authors
point out in their first chapter, the New
Right has championed biological deter-
minism and is using it effectively in its
attacks on liberal and left positions.
Responses to these attacks demand.
understanding both of the scientific
issues and of the social roles of sciences.
Not in Our Genes is one of the few books
about biology that tries simultaneously
to deal with both of these areas, and its
arguments are therefore well worth at-
tending to. O
Eric Holtzman is Chairman of the
Department of Bilogical Sciences, Col-
umbia University.
During the 1980's nuclear war has
come out of the closet. Millions of
Americans have entered the struggle to
end the nuclear arms race, and dozens of
new books have come out on the subject.
Certainly the reasons for popular con-
cern are obvious. In The Fate of the Earth
Jonathan Schell provides a wealth of in-
formation on the impact of nuclear war
as it was understood at the time he wrote.
Within a day, he explained, a single
bomb explosion would create an electro-
magnetic pulse which would knock out
an area's electricity, a massive heat wave
and a shock wave with winds up to the
speed of sound, and intense but local
radioactivity.
In the following weeks and months the
major health effects would be acute
radiation sickness, burns, blast induced -
injuries, increased birth defects, and
sterility. Serious indirect effects would
include additional radiation sickness
caused by fallout and contaminated food
and water, epidemics of communicable
diseases, desparate shortages of food;
and emotional traumas such as the feel-
ing that the entire world was dying -
Lifton and Falk provide many details on
this in Indefensible Weapons. Numerous
toxic chemicals such as dioxin and nitric
oxides would be released into the air;
some of these chemicals would react
with the ozone layer in the stratosphere,
quite possibly halving it for 30 years. If
this occurred, numerous animals, in-
sects, and birds would be blinded; the
growth of many plants would be stunted.
This is not all.Catastrophes develop-
ing in the ensuing years are harder to
predict in detail. Additional ones will
probably come to light as new research
is completed; many are likely to come
from interactions between individual ef-
fects. One major recent study has
Health / PAC Bulletin
25
predicted a " nuclear winter, " in which a
huge cloud of smoke and dust thrown up
by a major nuclear war would cut
sunlight by 95 percent for several weeks,
knocking world average temperatures
down between five and 40 degrees cen-
tigrade. These sudden and drastic.
changes would be fatal, in any season, to
many crops and animals; for several
years famine would be horrendous, and
the study's authors do not rule out the ex-
tinction of the human race.
Given such frightening consequences
of nuclear war, we might well wonder
what causes the nuclear arms race. If you
ask the American nuclear establishment,
you will be told that the U.S. has built up
its nuclear arsenal only because of its
stated, reasonable military and political
objectives. The Harvard group that
wrote Living with Nuclear Weapons pro-
vides a good statement of this conven-
tional wisdom - hardly surprising, since
four of this all male - group's six members
have advised presidents from Franklin
Roosevelt through Jimmy Carter.
The Harvard group surveys the causes
of the arms race, and concludes that the
most important is the superpower
political rivalry. When the analysts ex-
amine the opposing side, they stress the
great difficulties of understanding Soviet
behavior, but clearly imply that its roots
lie in expansionism and militarism (an
" evil empire " a bit less evil than
Reagan's). The authors argue that faced
with such an adversary the U.S. has no
choice but to build up its nuclear forces,
since only they can make deterrence
credible and ensure that the East West -
conflict does not escalate into a nuclear
war.
Freeman Dyson offers a very different
view of Soviet motivations in Weapons
and Hope. In a lucid and profound essay,
he suggests that the Soviets'military and
foreign policy is primarily shaped by a
grim determination to defend their
borders, and to avoid the surprise attack
their country has experienced so often
through the centuries. While the Soviets
are determined to win a nuclear war, he
says, they know that victory will only
emerge out of the fog of war, in a highly
unpredictable way.
If we assume that Dyson and many
others who have made similar points are
correct, and American policy makers
share their analysis, we must then ex-
plain why the U.S. continues to build
more bombs and missiles. The reasons
are complex, involving a whole range of
causes that reinforce each other.
First, on the level of international
politics, the U.S. has developed nuclear
weapons to deter not so much the Soviet
Union as Third World threats to its em-
pire. This is documented in Ellsberg's in-
troduction to Protest and Survive, where
he demonstrates that Washington's
nuclear threats have almost all been
directed at Third World countries. This
pattern has remained hidden from the
American public largely, Lifton and Falk
point out in their book, as a result of the
government's strategy of - stifling
criticism of American nuclear weapons
policies ever since the first atomic bomb
was exploded in 1945.
A related cause, highlighted by Schell,
is the persistence of the sovereign nation-
state. Sovereign nations, he says, are
prepared to defend their independence by
any means, and members of the nuclear
club have acted in this way since 1945 no
less than before.
The second set of causes of America's
nuclear buildup is to be found in our
country's political economy. The
Thompson and Smith volume contains
thoughtful analyses (especially those of
Rothschild and Kaldor) on the massive
and self sustaining -
power wielded by
American military contractors and by
their friends among politicians,
bureaucrats, and scientists. This power
has a great impact on the weapons that
get developed and on the public justifica-
tions for them.
The personal side of the military-
industrial complex is vividly portrayed
in Nash's article in Thompson and
Smith. He states that in his experience
as a Pentagon analyst, he and his col-
leagues " never experienced guilt or self-
criticism. " They could do technically ex-
cellent work, partly because their jobs
never allowed them to look at the " big
picture. " They objectified and quantified
their potential victims, and they enjoyed
the prestige of doing classified work.
This mind - set is related to the third
group of causes- the ideological. Lifton
and Falk discuss the phenomenon of
" nuclearism, " the belief held by most
Americans that nuclear weapons are an
effective, controllable, and morally ac-
ceptable way to protect national security.
Several writers, especially Thompson
in his opening essay, refer to the distor-
tions of language that reinforce
nuclearism by employing what he calls
" nukespeak " -a mixture of euphemisms
and jargon.
Closely related to these causes is a
fourth set the - the psychological. Both Lif-
ton and Schell place great emphasis on
the psychic numbing that results from
Americans'denial of their feelings about
nuclear war. When they are acknowledg-
ed, Lifton implies, those feelings are
often contradictory. On the one hand,
Americans are scared of nuclear war. On
the other, many of them sense the absur-
dity and duality of life (which combines
business - as - usual with the possibility of
instant extinction). Lifton - Falk and
Schell seem to suggest (quite correctly,
I think) that these psychological under-
currents make millions of Americans
cling more tightly to nuclearist
ideologies.
As Schell puts it, two kinds of answers
have been offered in this country to the
question of what to do. The realists say
we must learn to live with nuclear
weapons; the idealists say we must
ultimately abolish them. (I ignore ex-
treme hawks who say we can and should
use nuclear weapons to defeat
Communism.)
Not surprisingly, the Harvard group
endorses the realist position. It places
higher priority on arms control than the
Reagan Administration and is more will-
ing to take risks of Soviet violations of
arms control agreements, but its report
endorses most of the Reagan nuclear
buildup.
The Harvard group acknowledges
some of the paradoxes involved in the
arms race, noting, for example, that
" nuclear weapons can prevent aggression
only if there is the possibility that they
will be used, but we do not want to make
them so usable that anyone is tempted to
use them. " However their report pays lit-
tle attention to the simple fact, crucial to
Dyson's argument, that any reasonably
humane person who tries to prevent
nuclear war by building any kind of
nuclear weapon would be shocked by the
realization of the massive destruction its
use would inflict.
The Harvard analysts say we will
always have at least the knowledge of
making nuclear weapons, and the
sovereign state is here to stay. Schell, in
contrast, argues that if humanity is to
respond adequately to its fear of extinc-
tion, it must abolish all weapons and
build a system of non violent -
national
defense. He was justly criticized for not
providing sufficient detail on this point,
but in his latest book, The Abolition, he
has insightfully answered his critics.
Dyson's Weapons and Hope is the on-
ly book reviewed here that offers specific
suggestions on how to move the interna-
tional system and the military towards the
abolition of nuclear weapons. Dyson
searches for an overarching perspec-
26
Health / PAC Bulletin
tive - what he calls a " concept " - to guide
the construction and deployment of all
weapons so that a nation's enemies are
deterred yet progress is made towards
nuclear disarmament. He reviews a
range of such concepts, from nuclear
war fighting -
to unilateral disarmament,
and the only one he finds acceptable is
" live and let live -which "
means that
higher priority is assigned to keeping our
nation's people alive than to killing our
enemies.
The details are fascinating, but there
is a serious inconsistency in Dyson's ap-
proach. Although he would have us sym-
pathize with the victims of wars, not with
those whom he calls " the warriors, " he
frequently slips into an elitism which
blinds him to the non nuclear -
atrocities
committed by modern nation - states. He
calls on soldiers, scientists, and
diplomats (humane ones, of course) to
put his ideas into practice, not ordinary
men and women.
If we really want to avoid this kind of
elitism and blindness to mass destruc-
tion, we must look once again at Schell's
proposal to drastically curtail national
sovereignty and replace all weapons with
non violence -
as the basis of national
defense. Dyson examines some historical
cases of non violent -
defense, and con-
cludes that it works only when the
defender is well organized beforehand.
He is probably right, given the history
of non violence -
so far.
Unfortunately, none of the books
reviewed here come to grips with the
question of what it means to have a well-
organized non violent -
defense. There is
no space to go into that question here,
other than to say that if we weaken the
grip of the nation - state on its citizens, we
strengthen the possibilities for non-
violence. Anti - war activists throughout
the world are teaching us some political
lessons on this.
But there are other ways of tugging at
the economic and ideological roots of
militarism and national sovereignty that
are less dramatic, although still potent in
the long run. One is Kaldor's proposal (in
Thompson and Smith) that we reverse
the arms making -
process by bringing
together workers from diverse (if pos-
sible, hostile?) countries to collaborate
on coverting weapons - making plants to
ones meeting human needs. Another in-
teresting idea is Dyson's suggestion that
" the elimination of nuclear weapons
must be presented to the public as a
response to the demands of military
honor and self respect -
, not as a response
to fear. "
Fitzparick
,
The
World
of
Tomrow
'
on 1940
Finally, prominent in Schell and
Lifton - Falk is the call on humanity to
" imagine the real, " as Lifton puts it. We
must face up to the horrors of Armaged-
don and throw off nuclearism. And then,
they urge, we must go further: develop
a new sense of empowerment, a new
understanding of security, and a new
awareness that we all share one fate.
Other significant
writings on nuclear
weapons
Good overviews are Nuclear Illusion
and Reality (New York: Viking, 1982),
by Solly Zuckerman, a British scientist-
bureaucrat and political moderate; and
Nuclear War: What's in it for You? (New
York: Pocket Books, 1982) a more
dovish book produced by Ground Zero.
On the effects of nuclear war, the best
recent works are Last Aid (New York:
Freeman, 1982), Eric Chivian, et al.,
ed., which deals mostly with medical
issues; The Aftermath: Human and
Ecological Consequences of Nuclear
Weapons (New York: Pantheon, 1983),
Jeannie Peterson, ed., which contains
more on ecological effects; and " Nuclear
Winter, " by Anne Ehrlich, in the April
1984 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.
On American weapons and strategy, a
powerful and detailed critique of the of-
ficial position is First Strike (Boston:
South End Press, 1983) by Robert C.
Aldridge; The Nuclear Question (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1979)
by Michael Mandelbaum is a history
close to the Harvard Group's perspective;
a very detailed survey is The Evolution
of Nuclear Strategy (New York: St.
Martin's Press, 1981), by Lawrence
Freedman.
On the Soviet Union, see The Nuclear
Delusion (New York: Pantheon, 1983),
by George F. Kennan, an authoritative
set of essays; The Soviet Union and the
Arms Race (New Haven: Yale Universi-
ty Press, 1983), by David Holloway is a
detailed and fair minded -
analysis; The
Soviet Union Today (Chicago: Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientists) is an informative
general reader.
Health / PAC Bulletin
27
The Baroque Arsenal (New York: Hill
and Wang, 1981) by Mary Kaldor is an
excellent discussion of long range -
dynamics; The Wizards of Armageddon
(New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983)
is a detailed history of the nuclear
strategists; The Roots of War (Baltimore:
Penguin, 1981) by Richard J. Barnet is a
good overall interpretation.
On the current strategic debate, see
The Nuclear Freeze Debate (New York:
H.H. Wilson, 1983), A. Kojn, ed.; The
Abolition (New York: Knopf, 1984),
Jonathan Schell's new book, proposes
abolishing nuclear weapons but main-
taining nuclear knowledge as the ulti-
mate deterrent; Towards a Human World
Order by Gerald and Patricia Mische
(New York: Paulist Press, 1977) offers
ways to drastically curtail the nation-
state. The Politics of Non Violent -
Action
(Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973) by Gene
Sharpe is a massive survey of non violent -
struggles. O
John MacDougall teaches in the
Sociology Department at the University
of Lowell.
continued
from page 2
Peer
Review Review
tors for each locked into their respective
rungs on the ladder.
Desmond Callen, M.D.
Copake, New York
P.S. Last fall the politicians announced
a 30 percent increase in New York
Medicaid fees for physicians. In January
1985 the new fee schedule came in the
mail. It cuts the basic office fee from $ 9
to $ 7, a 22 percent reduction. So much
for state support of out hospital - of -
care
for the poor.
L
continued
from page 4
Vital
Signs
* The quality of health services for the
poor will decline significantly by 1995.
* Medicare beneficiaries will pay
more for their care, but there will be
coverage for catastrophic illness.
* Congress will limit malpractice
awards by 1990, which will lower
malpractice insurance rates and reduce
defensive medicine.
* HMO's and PPO's will quintuple
their share of hospital revenues to ten
percent by 1995.
* Physician income and job satisfac-
tion will decline.
* Health care costs will continue to
rise rapidly, up from the current 10.8 per-
cent of the GNP to 12 percent by 1990,
but will remain at that level for the rest
of the century.
Most of those surveyed also believe
that the best ways to reduce health care
cost inflation are alternative delivery
systems, increased emphasis on ambu-
latory care, and increasing the share pa-
tients must pay.
Medicine as an Art,
Not a Science
Senate Appropriations Committee
hearings last November chaired by
William Proxmire (WI D -) found over-
whelming agreement that the govern-
ment could save itself and others a great
deal of money, not to say trouble, by
funding some basic studies of how pa-
tient groups respond to different
treatments.
Dr. John Wennberg of Dartmouth
Medical School, a specialist in physician
practice patterns, noted that when we
have situations such as that in Maine,
where seven out of ten 70 year old
women in one part of the state have
undergone a hysterectomy while in
another part only two in ten have, the
variations cannot be explained by demo-
graphics or case mix. Wennberg and
others suggest that whether the surgeons
in the one region are overtreating or
those in the other are undertreating re-
quires long term, expensive outcome
studies - but these would cost only a
fraction of what the government spends
pours into the health care industry.
Computer Medicine
We recently received a letter from
Comp Doc, Inc., a Colorado firm
specializing in home health care soft-
ware, announcing its new Home Doc
computer program. Its contents include
an " educational portion " and medical
record keeping -
system as well as " a quick
access summary menu... to obtain
guidelines of what to do when faced with
common problems like fever, diarrhea,
vomiting, etc. "
Comp Doc is not the first in the
compu - med field. Dow Jones News
Retrieval offers an on line - medical data-
base to subscribers which provides
similar medical advice. More will no
doubt be in your computer store soon,
followed by videotapes- Your "
Favorite
Hollywood Stars Exhibit Your Favorite
Disease Symptoms and Tell You What to
Do About Them. "
These services create interesting prob-
lems and possibilities. Can the software
manufacturer be sued for medical mal-
practice? Could a non M.D -. who devel-
oped a sophisticated medical program be
sued for practicing without a license?
Could other health workers using a com-
puter examine and treat patients who
would formerly have seen a doctor? How
soon will we have interactive systems,
which suggest testing what a patient can
do in the home (with a kit conveniently
sold by the conglomerate which distri-
butes the software) and then suggest fur-
ther measures based on the results?
The potential for improving consumer
medical knowledge and the ability of
non physicians -
to treat themselves in
many cases is enormous. It is unfor-
tunate that the very health consumers
who could use these systems most-
those who are unable to obtain medical
treatment or must wait long hours for an
often cursory - examination- are least
likely to benefit, since they can't afford
a computer. We may hope that the day
will soon come when these people do
have access to medical programming, so
that practitioners who treat them like
assembly line parts will themselves be
automated out of existence.
My Enemy's Enemy
When California's ultra right -
politi-
cians mounted their latest anti welfare -
initiative they though they had the perfect
formula for a subtly racist campaign. By
touting Proposition 41 as an attack on the
AFDC program and its many minority
beneficiaries, they hoped to convey the
impression that its passage would affect
only them and not wreak hardship on the
handicapped and the elderly.
Not true. Had it passed, Proposition
41 would have slashed AFDC and Medi-
Cal (California's Medicaid program) by
approximately 30-40 percent. Never-
theless, early surveys commissioned by
Prop. 41 opponents showed the conser-
vative ploy had been successful. A sub-
stantial majority supported the measure,
continued on page 32
289
Health / PAC Bulletin
Body English
Continuing Affairs Of
The Heart
by
Arthur A. Levin
Along with the controversy over the
role sodium and other dietary contituents
play in causing and / or controlling high
blood pressure, discussed in the previous
column, there is heated debate over both
new drugs and older ones about which
we have new information.
Since 1976 " stepped care " guidelines
for the diagnosis and treatment of high
blood pressure developed by a commit-
tee of experts assembled by the National
Heart, Lung and Blood Institute have
been generally accepted. A third revision
was published by the Joint National
Committee on Detection, Evaluation and
Treatment of High Blood Pressure (JNC)
in 1984.
One bit of dogma has been that once
a person has been diagnosed as requir-
ing treatment, he or she should remain
on a drug regimen for life. Behavorial
and life style - alterations such as diet and
exercise were seen as possibly helpful
adjuncts, but not alternatives.
The 1984 JNC protocols address this
controversy for the first time, discussing
treatment of so called - " mild " or
" borderline " hypertension, defined as a
diastolic blood pressure from 90 to 94
mm mercury. They suggest that it is ap-
propriate to try the following non drug -
approaches:
-Advising obese people to lose
weight.
-Advising smokers to stop.
-Urging -Urging people to restrict sodium in-
take to two grams per day (the report
does not discuss the sodium
controversy).
-
- Suggesting that alcohol consump-
tion be limited to two ounces per day.
- Recommending regular car-
diovascular exercise.,
- Reducing " abnormally " high serum
cholesterol levels.
None of the above recommendations
are news to most of those interested in
heart disease issues, but official
medicine has never before suggested that
a behavioral approach alone might suf-
fice for even this subset of hypertensives.
While this is a welcome change, with all
we know about how difficult it is to
change behaviors, it seems simplistic to
suggest that advice from a doctor is suf-
ficient. The physician humility we all
know and admire would be welcome
here.
Perhaps even more startling than the
behavioral recommendations, particu-
larly for those who have marveled for
years at establishment medicine's
resistance to admitting the value of non-
invasive techniques, are the recommen-
dations of relaxation techniques and
biofeedback. The committee also de-
clares that even if the non invasive -
ap-
proach should fail, drugs may be un-
necessary if the patient is closely
monitored.
For persons with moderate and severe
high blood pressure (a diastolic of 95
mm mercury or higher) drug treatment
is still affirmed to be imperative.
However, the steps in the " stepped care "
approach have been modified to reflect
the greater clinical experience and new
drug families developed in the past
decade.
The older guidelines held that the
most appropriate first step was treatment
with a diuretic. The new JNC advice is
that a beta blocker -
may be an ap-
propriate first intervention instead. As a
second step, the report says, angiotensin-
converting enzymes (e.g., catopril) and
calcium channel blockers (nifedipine,
verapamil, or diltiazem) may be substi-
tuted for, or added to, previously recom-
mended drugs although - channel
blockers are not approved by the FDA for
treatment of high blood pressure. The
guidelines also recommend both en-
zymes and channel blockers for new
third steps.
As could be expected, these new
guidelines have not been universally ac-
cepted as good advice. Dr. McCarron,
whose studies were described in the last
column, criticizes the JNC's sodium
restriction recommendation. Dr. Laragh
joins McCarron in raising questions
about recommending reduced sodium
intake for all hypertensives, since only
30 percent are sodium dependent. He
also criticizes the rigidity of the
guidelines in general, taking issue, for
example, with the advice that diuretics
are appropriate for all hypertensives,
when the MRFIT and other research
trials indicate they may actually be harm-
ful for some people with high blood
pressure.
For those tens of millions of people
who have mild or borderline high blood
pressure all this controversy may be
unsettling. On the other hand, by
highlighting the fallability of medical
scientists and practitioners, it serves to
remind the public that it is up to each of
us to evaluate the varied therapeutic ap-
proaches to determine which is the most
appropriate in our own individual case.
Y'
Arthur A. Levin is Director of the Center
for Medical Consumers and a member
of the Health / PAC Board.
MARAZUL
STUDY TOURS TO
NICARAGUA
Spring, 1985
Y- March 10-24
$ 845 from Miami
oe April 5-14
$ 690 from Miami
Y- May 12-26
$ 845 from Miami
As the largest U.S. operator of tours to
Nicaragua, Marazul Tours can make all
arrangements for individuals and groups
including air tickets, accommodations,
transportation and study programs for (
groups of at least 7 participants).
PLEASE WRITE FOR DETAILS ON
THESE OR ANY OF OUR PROGRAMS
TO NICARAGUA, CUBA.
THE SOVIET UNION.
EASTERN & WESTERN EUROPE
MARAZUL
Marazul Tours, Inc.
250 W. 57 Street, Suite 1312
New York, N.Y. 10107
212 582-9570
Outside NY State: 800 223-5334 toll free
The Progressive Professionals.
A full service travel agency.
Health / PAC Bulletin
29
See for Yourself
Health / PAC's Health Workers
Tour of Nicaragua
The Revolution is Health has been one of the major slogans of the Sandinistas. For Nicaraguans, health
care isn't just a professional service, it's a popular movement.
How successful have the Nicaraguans been
in creating a new health system?
What have they accomplished?
What mistakes have they made?
To the extent that it's possible to find out the answers to these questions in two weeks, the Health / PAC
tour is designed to do so. We will explore all aspects of the health care system, from the medical school
in Managua to rural health rounds in the mountains, from the Ministry of Health to the women's
association in an outlying town. We'll be talking to professors, physicians, nurses, midwives, and
members of the Revolutionary Organization of the Disabled who build their own wheelchairs.
There will be time for fun and the beach, but this will not be as comfortable as an AMA convention
in Honolulu. Nicaragua is an extremely poor country. Some days we'll be out in the hot sun with
the Nicaraguans. Other days we might be waiting by the roadside when our bus breaks down. Will
it be rugged sometimes? Yes. Will it be one of the most exhilirating experiences of your life? Ask
,
anyone who's been.
June 9-23, 1985
1043 $
including airfare from Miami, meals, accommodations, and transportation
Space is limited. To reserve your place, you must send in a $ 200 deposit. Checks should be made out to
Marazul Tours.
Y' Yes, I want to go on the Health / PAC Nicaragua tour.
Y' Enclosed is my check for $ 200.
Name
Occupation
Address
City
State
Zip
Workplace or school
Telephone Home (
)
Work (
)
Mail to: Marazul Tours, 250 W. 57th St., New York, N.Y. 10107, Attn: Robert Guild
30
Health / PAC Bulletin
The Health / PAC Bulletin
isn't Playboy or Time
You might have noticed this. One of the consequences is that you can't buy it at most
local newsstands. This could mean that if you don't have a subscription you may miss that
key article on medicare or the pharmaceutical industry or nursing homes you really wanted
to read.
WHY?
Because when the Bulletin covers a subject you get a perspective on it available nowhere
else.
WHY?
Because in health and medicine publishing virtually every magazine depends on glossy
industry advertising and / or the medical establishment for financing. If you read a dozen
health care publications, you know what we're talking about. If you only have time for
one, check out the competition. If you agree we offer unique, incisive, written well -
, and
informative health care coverage, why not fill out the form below. Or, if you're already
a subscriber, why not take this opportunity to enlighten a friend.
Health care is this country's biggest business. Make it your business too.
Please enter
subscription (s) for the Health / PAC Bulletin
Check:
0 Individuals $ 17.50
Y' Institutions $ 35
Y' 2 years $ 30
Y' 2 years $ 70
(Foreign subscribers add $ 8 per year)
Name
Address
City
State
Zip
Y' Bill me (plus postage and handling)
Charge:
\ O -
Visa
Y' Master
Expiration date
No.
Signature
Send your check or money order to Health / PAC Bulletin.
17 Murray St., New York, N.Y. 10007
Health / PAC Bulletin
31
continued
from page 28
Vital
Signs
focus on " acceptable " white benefici-
aries, the threat posed by the measure
was so great that very few were willing
to risk losing the election by waging a
grassroots voter registration and mobi-
lization campaign brought vast numbers
of poor voters to the polls. In combina-
tion with industry cash, this popular
more " principled " campaign.
movement carried the day: Prop. 41 was
based on their understanding that it
Activists were soon chagrined to find
crushed by a margin of nearly 20 points.
would cut benefits only to the " able-
themselves labelled mouthpieces for the
Unfortunately, this victory may be
bodied " poor. However when survey
moneyed health provider interests by
short - lived. Learning from his setback,
takers explained that passage would cut
Prop. 41 supporters. They nevertheless
the original sponsor of Prop. 41 has pro-
!
the Medi - Cal benefits of nearly one mil-
held their collective tongue to maintain
mised to revise it so that only AFDC is
lion children and hundreds of thousands
the alliance; they refrained from pointing
eviscerated, while Medi - Cal is spared.
of elderly and disabled persons, support
out that the profligacy of the health care
This will almost certainly pacify the
for Prop. 41 plunged to barely 50
percent.
Community and grassroots organiza-
tions were the first to sound the alarm
system affects all payors and the solution
lies in greater public control, not in cut-
backs inflicted on those most in need.
Despite these compromises, the left
hospitals and permit a campaign with far
more ugly racial overtones.
Y'
-
-Mark Allen Kleiman
and begin to build on this base, but the
went all out. What it lacked in money it
Mark Allen Kleiman is an attorney
scope of the proposed cuts extended the
made up in moxie and peoplepower. A
practicing in Los Angeles.
opposition far across the political spec-
trum to include the California Hospital
Association, the California Medical
Association, the Chamber of Com-
merce, and Republican Governor
The Winners
George Deukmejian.
The hospitals poured millions into an
anti Prop -. 41 warchest. Much of this
In our Health / PAC raffle, the winners were:
money went for a massive PR campaign
developed by professional media and
Free trip
Portable 2 " TV,
political consultants. Taking their cue
from the survey results, they used video
interviews with real Medi - Cal bene-
to Nicaragua:
Linda Goldwyn,
AM - FM radio:
Eleanor Larrier,
ficiaries (all disabled or elderly, almost
Boston
New York
all white) who would lose their benefits
if Prop. 41 passed. Although commun-
ity groups were deeply disturbed by this
Health / PAC
Health Policy Advisory Center
17 Murray Street
New York, New York 10007
2nd Class Postage
Paid at New York, N.Y.
NOTE TO SUBSCRIBERS: If your mailing label says
8411, your subscription expires with this issue.
X - 523