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HEALTH
Health Policy Advisory Center
Volume Volume 15,
Number 3
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(The following letter has been sent out to
the medical and material aid for Central
America America community community.)
Chiapas, the southernmost state in
Mexico, is currently the refuge of
100,000 Indian peasants who have fled
Guatemala's army, policy, and civil "
patrols " of forcibly forcibly conscripted conscripted peasants.
Recently the flow has slowed, deterred
by 8,000 Guatemalan troops patrolling patrolling
the border.
About 45,000 refugees live in the
southern Pacific Coast lowlands of
Chiapas neear Tapachula. These people
have integrated themselves into the local
Mexican communities; many of them
had previously been seasonal workers
here. In Guatemala, most of the peasants '
small harvest goes to the rich land-
owners. To survive, they have supple-
mented their income after the growing
season by working in the large coastal
cotton and coffee plantations of Mexico
and Guatemala. As the repression at
home intensified, many decided to stay
across the border with their family.
Another group of more than 50,000
lives in 71 camps in the mountains and
rain forests of eastern Chiapas. This is
a new area for them- them- in fact it was large-
ly uninhabited before their arrival. These
people are worse off because of their
isolation - the majority of them must
i
walk several days over rough jungle ter-
rain through deep mud to the nearest
point accessible to vehicles. They return
carrying supplies on their backs. Worse,
some of them have been targets of attacks
by the Guatemalan army and air force.
I visited Chiapas in February, bring-
ing about $ 5,000 worth of donated
Health / PAC Bulletin
May June - 1984
Board of Editors
Tony Bale
Howard Berliner
Carl Blumenthal
Robert Brand
Pamela Brier Brier
Robb Burlage
Michael E. Clark
Barbara Ehrenreich
Sally Guttmacher
Louanne Kennedy
David David Kotelchuck
Ronda Kotelchuck
Arthur Levin
Nonceba Lubanga
Steven Meister
Patricia Moccia
Kate Pfordresher
Marlene Price
Virginia Reath
Hila Richardson
David Rosner
Hal Strelnick Strelnick
Sarah Santana
Richard Richard Younge
Richard Zall
Editor: Jon Steinberg
_
Staff: Roxanne Cruiz, Debra De Palma, Loretta Wavra
Associates: Des Callan, Mardge Cohen, Kathy Conway, Doug Dorman, Cindy Driver, Dan
Feshbach, Marsha Hurst, Mark Kleiman, Thomas Leventhal, Alan Levine, Joanne Lukom-
nik, Peter Medoff, Robin Omata, Doreen Rappaport, Susan Reverby, Len Rodberg, Alex
Rosen, Ken Rosenberg, Gel Stevenson, Rick Surpin, Ann Umemoto.
MANUSCRIPTS, COMMENTS, LETTERS TO THE EDITOR, AND
SUBSCRIPTION ORDERS should be addressed to Health / PAC,
17 Murray St., New York, N.Y. 10007.
Subscription rates are $ 17.50 for individuals, $ 35 for institutions.
ISSN 0017-9051
1984 Health / PAC. The Health / PAC Bulletin is published bimonthly. Second class
postage paid at New York, N.Y. Postmaster: Send address changes to Health / PAC
Bulletin, 17 Murray St., New York, NY 10007. The Health / PAC Bulletin is distributed to
bookstores by Carrier Pigeon, 75 Kneeland St., Room 309, Boston, MA 02111.
Design: Three to Make Ready Graphics / 1984
Cover by Maggie Block.
Typeset by Kells Typography, Inc.
Articles in the Bulletin are indexed in the Health Planning and Administration data base
of the National Library of Medicine and the Alternative Press Index. Microforms of the
Bulletin are available from University Microfilms International, 300 Zeeb Rd., Dept.
T.R., Ann Arbor, MI 48106.
medicines and medical supplies col-
lected by Central America Medical Aid,
a Minnesota - based group. At one of the
jungle camps we could reach by car,
Carlotta, a resident, told her story,
typical of many we heard.
In 1981 when living in Guatemala City
with her husband, she went to visit her
parents and brothers in her native village
in rural Guatemala. One day three men
from San Francisco, the neighboring
village, came and said it had been attack-
ed by the Guatemalan army. The soldiers
separated the men and women, they said,
and detained them in the church and the
continued on page 18
Contents
Letters
Vital Signs
25
Occupational Health and Safety
5
OSHA Under Fire
21
Health Labor Force
Community Health Care
So You're Looking for a Union
7 13
Hidden Effects of Cutbacks
23
Have Housestaff Found a Home?
1135
Media Scan
The Business of Health
Nursing Ethics
The Great American Health Fortunes
19
The Political Economy of Health
25
Bulletin Board
3203
Body English
31 23
2
Health / PAC Bulletin
Notes & Comment
Island countries in the Caribbean, traditionally very poor
and dependent on the fickle flow of American tourists, have
discovered a wonderful new cash crop which provides a rich
return with a very abbreviated growing season, little labor, and
virtually no capital investment. It is also environmentally
sound, since the only necessary fertilizer comes from bulls,
and no foreign bodies pollute the islands'famed beaches.
This breakthrough is the sale of medical diplomas and
related credentials to aspiring practitioners. Sometimes, as in
the tourist trade, there is a package deal: correct answers to
certification tests are included.
Although the local governments have expressed outrage at
this traffic, it may be that their real attitude is more benign.
After all, this new hybrid does bring in dollars, it could be con-
sidered only a slight variation of the " shore off - " medical school
which inspired it, and the graduates will practice far away. Fur-
thermore, the new variety is more resistant to the feared disease
U.S. interventionism, since our government can't very well
send in the Marines under the pretext of protecting students
who are only there on paper.
Certainly there has been a sincere outcry here in the U.S.,
most anguished from organized medicine and medical educa-
tion. With the possible exception of the phrase " national health
service, " which reduces most MD's to coloring and palpitations
more commonly associated with raspberry jello, there is prob-
ably nothing which can cause American physicians more
discomfort than the notion that medical education is reverting
to the unregulated free market existing prior to the Flexner
Report.,
The medical establishment has reason to worry. Despite all
the invective and railing against the instant - MD system for
sullying the purity of medical education and certification, none
of the media accounts seen by this writer have reported that
the paper graduates have particularly harmed their patients.
In fact, there have been quoted comments praising some as ex-
cellent physicians.
While this is not proof that we should sell medical degrees
to all comers, it does raise the question of whether in terms
of outcome - public health - there is any significant difference
between the practice of these people and that of physicians with
more established credentials. If there isn't, a whole host of
questions about the way we organize health care demand
attention.
Arthur A. Levin
Arthur A. Levin is Director of the Center for Medical Con-
sumers and a member of the Health / PAC Board.
Letter from the Editor
To those of you who attended the First Annual Samuel Rubin
Health and Social Justice Award Dinner, once again we would
like to express our appreciation. To those of you who weren't
able to make it to the Village Gate on May 7, we can honestly
say we're sorry you missed a lovely evening.
The theme was " The Unbreakable Bond, 20 Years of Strug-
gle for Health and Civil Rights, " and the awards were given
to Ruby Dee and Assemblyman Al Vann. They were richly
deserved. Cora Weiss, Samuel Rubin's daughter and a well
known activist herself, noted in presenting his award that Al
Vann has played a major role in introducing important health
legislation in New York State and conducted hearings on the
causes and prevention of child abuse. As for Ruby Dee, Cora
Weiss declared, " In every performance, you bring to the
public's attention the pain of the poor, the potential of the
neighborhood kid, the warmth and compassion of the oppress-
ed. "
But this was not just an awards dinner; it was a family gather-
ing. There were tears in more than a few eyes as 500 people
looked around and saw friends and comrades they hadn't seen
in years, from the Medical Committee for Human Rights, the
Committee of Interns and Residents, the Doctors Council,
Physicians Forum, the National League of Nursing, the New
York State Nurses Association, Nurses Network, 1199, SEIU,
DC37 of AFSCME, and a whole host of local activist groups.
It would be hard to identify the highpoint of the evening. For
some it was the dramatic moment when our extraordinary
Master of Ceremonies, Moe Foner, Executive Secretary of the
National Union of Hospital and Health Care Employees, an-
nounced that an agreement had been reached that afternoon
resolving his union's internal conflict.
For others it was the tributes to Samuel Rubin- " I had thought
he had just given you money, " someone said afterward, " I didn't
realize he participated. " A number of people mentioned Robb
Burlage's capsule history of the progressive health movement
'
over the past two decades, which included a recording of a
speech Al Muldovan gave to the 1965 Selma marchers on how
to deal with health emergencies. People mentioned the
readings by Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee. And everyone loved
Sweet Honey in the Rock - if you haven't heard them live sing-
ing " More Than a Paycheck, " you've missed something very
special.
That evening we all the - staff, the Board, the guests - left
feeling it was wonderful to be part of Health / PAC, proud of what
we've done, and confident that together we can do much more.
Jon Steinberg
Health / PAC Bulletin
3
D.C.37
AFSCME
AFL - CIO
SUPPORTS
EQUAL JOB
OPPORTUNITIES.
FOR ALL!
Health / PAC's
15th Anniversary Dinner
SHEST
Rosenthal
Rosenthal
Mel
Ruby Dee and Cora Weiss
Master of Ceremonies Moe Foner
INTEGRAL
COUNTY
AND STATE
MEDICAL
SOCIETIES
John Holloman
4
Health / PAC Bulletin
*
Rosenthal
Mel
Rosenthal
Mel
" The Unbreakable Bond,
20 Years of Struggle
for for Health and Civil Rights Rights
Vital Signs
Black Women's Health
Project Update
Since last June's First National Con-
ference on Black Women's Health Issues
the National Black Women's Health Pro-
ject, Inc. has spurted ahead in both
membership and activity. Over 40 self-
help groups have affiliated, and new
ones are joining almost weekly. The Pro-
ject is incorporating, and is now a
member rather than a project of its
founding organization, the National
Women's Health Network. Its national
headquarters, headed by Director Byllye
Avery, has been joined by a fulltime
office in Philadelphia run by Pam Free-
man; several other regional offices are
planned.
The Project newsletter is about to
publish its third issue, focusing on the
disease of lupus. A videotape documen-
tary on last year's conference will
premiere in Atlanta this fall; Project
radio spots on health issues are already
being distributed to Black owned -
sta-
tions throughout the country.
The national office has assisted local
affiliates eager to start or expand self-
help groups, offering single workshops
or a series on " breaking through the bar-
riers of internalized oppression " led by
Lillie Allen, M.P.H. Her dynamic work-
shop on the realities of being black and
female exhilirated over 700 women at last
year's national conference and brought
invitations from groups in cities all over
the country. She has also conducted ses-
sions for Project members at both Na-
tional Task Force meetings, received
with similar enthusiasm.
Byllye Avery and Shay Youngblood in
the Atlanta office report a surge of
interest in the Project among organiza-
tions ranging from grassroots women's
groups to the Congressional Black
Caucus. The Caucus has asked the Pro-
ject to undertake a study on the health
needs of elderly Black women in con-
junction with the Morehouse School of
Medicine.
" We decided to turn it around and take
a look at what the quality of life for elder-
ly Black women would be if... " says
Avery, projecting a vision of a world in
which they have the material and
spiritual assets they need. The Black
Caucus has also asked the Project to
testify before Congress this September
on eight key health issues affecting Black
women.
Other future activities include a pilot
project in three poor Georgia counties to
reduce their disturbingly high infant
mortality rate. The approach will be to
provide prenatal care to poor women
through a unique holistic (material,
spiritual, emotional) " prenatal caring
curriculum. "
When asked, which she frequently is,
when there will be another conference
like last year's, Byllye Avery replies,
" Not until 1986. It took us two good years
to plan the last one, and we're not going
to do it unless we do it right. In the mean-
time, we're also working on a book on
Black women's health issues and we're
asking all our members to contribute. "
For more information on the Project
or Lillie Allen's workshops, write or call
the National Black Women's Health Pro-
ject; Martin Luther King, Jr. Commu-
nity Center; 450 Auburn Ave., Suite 157;
Atlanta, GA 30312. Tel. (404) 659-3854.
Linda Asantewaa Johnson
(Linda Asantewaa Johnson is active in
the New York chapter of the Black
Women's Health Project.)
Power Struggle
Santayana's warning that those who do
not learn from history are doomed to
repeat it has a special irony for residents
of the area around Three Mile Island,
since they have learned but may be
doomed to repeat it anyway.
Despite a 66 percent " no " vote in a
1982 referendum, the Nuclear Regula-
tory Commission is seriously consider-
ing allowing the " undamaged " TMI Unit
1 to go back on line as early as this June.
This unit has an embrittled reactor vessel
and damaged steam generator tubes.
Local residents are well aware of this,
and if the restart is permitted their well-
documented stress problems are bound
to increase, further undermining their
health.
The NRC's willingness to permit the
old TMI management, Metropolitan
Edison and its parent company, General
Public Utilities (GPU), to resume their
role is also sure to heighten tensions.
This February, the managers reached a
plea agreement on federal charges for 11
counts, including falsification of records
and destruction of safety data, pleading
guilty to one count and no contest to six
more. Although the NRC acknowledges
it has evidence of rigged records, unan-
nounced ventings, gagging of worker
whistleblowers, and operators cheating
on exams, it decided even before the set-
tlement that questions of management
integrity would not affect the restart
decision.
The NRC does have an oversight
policy: turn the other way. In the five
years since the TMI accident it has in-
itiated no long term - publicly accountable
epidemiological studies. Residents'and
workers'questions about health, early
mortality, reproductive effects, and stress
have been ignored and covered up by
public and private authorities. According
to the activist Public TMI -
Interest
Resource Center, " GPU and the Nuclear
Regulatory Commission have constant-
ly blocked studies to be conducted on the
health of workers. All workers have to
sign a form to release GPU from liabil-
ity for health related problems now and
in the future. GPU has also tried to block
any independent health studies from be-
ing done on TMI area residents. "
The dangers will escalate when the
170 ton - head is lifted off the damaged
reactor of Unit 2. Any resulting radiation
may go undetected, since the Environ-
mental Protection Agency may remove
its radiation monitors on the premise that
the problems are negligible and tax-
payers'money is being wasted. The
" cleanup " also involves risks such as
tritium in the water supply and krypton
ventings the NRC has already fined
GPU for accidentally releasing krypton
Health / PAC Bulletin
10
gas last fall from Unit 1, the supposedly
undamaged reactor.
TMI activists believe the NRC is forg-
ing ahead with this fiasco to help the
nuclear power industry redeem itself.
They urge people all over the country to
raise the issue and write their elected of-
ficials demanding that they ask Pennsyl-
vania Governor Thornburgh and the
NRC to respect the right to public health
by preventing the TMI restart.
Copies of any letters and badly need-
ed donations should be sent to TMI-
PIRG, 1037 Maclay St., Harrisburg, PA
17102, or TMI Alert, 315 Peffer ST.,
Harrisburg, PA 17102.
-Lin Nelson
(Lin Nelson is a freelance writer based
in upstate New York.)
Kiss of Death
Over the past few decades we have
become so accustomed to noting that our
lipstick and crackers contain substances
with strange names that often we don't
even read the small print on the package
itemizing them. Our nervousness that
some of them might be carcinogenic or
otherwise dangerous has been assuaged
by the assumption that although we
might not know what guanidine car-
bonate and jasmine absolute are, the
Food and Drug Administration or some
other government agency has ascertained
that they are safe.
It appears our confidence was mis-
placed. A recently completed -
exhaustive
study by a committee of the National
Research Council has found that no or
inadequate toxicity data is available for
80 percent of the commercially impor-
tant chemicals in commerce, 64 percent
of the pesticides and inert ingredients, 74
percent of cosmetic ingredients, 61 per-
cent of the drugs, and 80 percent of the
food additives.
The problem thus is not just sub-
stances which may cause cancer. The
study recommended that 75 percent of
the tests for eye irritation and 40 percent
of those examining human sensitivity to
cosmetics chemicals be redone.
Certainly rigorous testing can be very
expensive and, as the study notes, can re-
quire up to five years, but the authors
point out that less expensive but useful
alternatives exist and better ones could
be developed. Several shorter - term tests
used in combination could provide
enhanced accuracy. More sophisticated
priorities of those substances needing
' special attention could be established.
People in specific jobs or neighborhoods
could be surveyed for ill effects from ex-
posure. Very low cost rudimentary
screening tests could be developed to
identify substances meriting further
examination.
Government programs would facilitate
all of these measures, and government
regulation could demand them. The Na-
tional Research Council study observed
that the amount of information current-
ly available about the different types of
chemicals in general use correlates with
the degree of federal regulation. Thus we
know most about drugs and least about
industrial chemicals.
Arms Control -
the Budget
When President Reagan took office,
government expenditures for research
and development were divided almost
exactly equally between military (19.4 $
billion) and non military - (19.6 $ billion)
fields.
Not surprisingly, the military R and D
budget has soared in tandem with the
military budget as a whole. According to
the National Science Foundation it was
up to $ 32 billion in constant dollars. At
the same time the allocations for all other
government - supported R and D were
plunging 30 percent in constant dollars
to $ 13.7 billion.
While it may be argued that much of
government research and development in
health is misallocated to finding cures
and technical fixes for illness which
could be prevented, the cuts have been
indiscriminate.
For example, the election - year budget
of the Environmental Protection Agency
does grant a nine percent increase, but
this still leaves it nine percent below the
last Carter budget. In R and D, the dif-
ference is even starker: despite a pro-
posed 13 percent increase, the EPA
would be spending 24 percent less than
in 1981. Furthermore, this $ 33 million
increase would be more than offset by
slashes in the environmental research
budgets of the National Oceanographic
and Atmospheric Administration and the
U.S. Geological Survey.
As in occupational health and safety,
discrimination, and poverty, the Ad-
ministration strategy appears to be the
ancient Persian one of killing the
messenger who brings the bad news. Un-
fortunately for the Persian kings, and
their subjects, realities were less easily
eliminated.
Film Noir
Foreign workers who slip across the
border are treading on dangerous
ground. Not only must they watch out
for unscrupulous " coyotes " who take
large sums to spirit them into the U.S.,
often brutal border guards, and speeding
trains, once they get work it may be
deadly.
Last October Michael T. MacKay,
president of B.R. MacKay and Sons of
Salt Lake City, and four other former of-
ficials of Film Recovery Systems in Il-
linois were indicted for murder by a
Cook County grand jury in the death of
an FRS employee. This is the first
murder charge ever brought in the U.S.
for an occupation - related death.
Nearly all the firm's employees were
undocumented aliens who spoke no
English, according to assistant state's at-
torney Jay Magnuson. Some three dozen
of them have already been examined for
possible acute and long term - cyanide ex-
posure effects.
Five Mexican workers at the plant
have told Magnuson's office that the
company flew them to Florida to train a
new Spanish speaking -
workforce. FRS
also seems to have been active in other
states, including Texas and Indiana. Its
lucrative business was removing silver
from used film and shipping it to B.R.
MacKay in Utah for refining.
The Cook County state's attorney's of-
fice is attempting to extradite Michael T.
MacKay, a request already denied once
by Utah Governor Scott Matheson.
Presumably Mackay is a pillar of Salt
Lake City; Lot's wife was a pillar of salt
at Sodom and Gomorrah, and this is
hardly a precedent worthy of emulation.
Holes in the Sponge
Campaign
The new vaginal contraceptive sponge
that sailed through the Food and Drug
Administration approval process, onto
the headlines, and into the pharmacies
continued on page 29
6
Health / PAC Bulletin
So, You're Looking for a Union
by Patricia Moccia
The massive layoffs in other industries are finally getting
closer to home and harder to ignore. Stories are running
through the hospital grapevine more frequently and sounding
more unbelievable. You've already formed an in house -
com-
mittee to keep track, investigate, and discuss what to do about
them. But despite the considerable time you've spent in
meetings after working all day (or all evening or all night),
things seem to have gotten worse:
A registered nurse has been fired for insubordination after
refusing to be the only regularly scheduled nurse assigned to
60 patients in two units physically separated by two floors and
locked doors. A licensed practical nurse has been re assigned -
to nights because he refused to be available to any RN who
called him to lift patients by himself. An X ray - technician with
ten years experience has been fired for insubordination after
refusing to expose herself to radiation by cradling infants who
needed an X ray -.
People in dietary are being put on half time and asked to call
in every day between 12 and 2 to find out if they're needed for
the evening meal. Lab technicians are being told that they
should look elsewhere if they can't work at least four hours
overtime each week. Ten full time workers are being laid off
in housekeeping and supervisors are telling those who are left
that they will be responsible for twice as many units without
any pay increase.
Your committee has almost exhausted itself trying to stay
on top of the why's and wherefore's of each of these incidents
when you realize that there is a pattern among them. If the
committee successfully protected one of your co workers -
from
administrative injustices at the beginning of the week, another
was in trouble by the end. Clearly, the administration's policy
has been to solve its problems - whether budget cutbacks, per-
sonnel shortages, inadequate material resources, or physically
dilapidated buildings and machinery - at the expense of its
employees.
You've begun to realize that despite your painstaking atten-
tion to individual problems and individual solutions, employ-
ees are still overworked, underpaid, unhappy, and alienated
from their jobs, each other, and their patients. You've under-
stood that all of these separate problems seem to be part of the
- same general problem- problem- namely, that workers without power
or influence are confronting a powerful and influential
management and administration.
So you take the next logical step and join in organizing co-
Patricia Moccia, RN, Ph.D., is a member of the Health / PAC
Board.
workers into an independent or in house -
union which provides
some degree of collective strength and, equally important,
some measure of support, belonging, and connection.
But the administration starts giving your independent union
a hard time. When you request meetings, sometimes they
come, sometimes they agree to but cancel at the last minute
because of a " sudden emergency, " and sometimes they refuse
to meet at all. In some cases, if your union or administration
antipathy is especially strong, management is tying up your
time, limited monies, and energies in court cases that challenge
your right to exist, or to include certain groups of workers, or
to speak out or negotiate on certain issues. Or it might be try-
ing to break your new found -
solidarity with attractive promo-
tion offers to some workers, harassment of others, active
recruitment of new employees (see Box 1) or aggressive media
campaigns to persuade the public that your wages, rather than
the profit seeking -
of the medical industrial -
complex, are the
cause of exorbitant health care costs.
Now you're looking for outside help, more than slightly ner-
vous because it's a safe bet the hospital administration is even
less thrilled with the idea of dealing with an outside union. In
1982 the New York State Assembly's Standing Committee on
Labor described the national situation when it reported that
their investigations into allegations that some New York nurs-
ing homes were misusing Medicaid funds to hire " union-
busting " consultants had shown that a " substantial segment of
the State's health industry is union anti -
and will use legal and
illegal means to prevent employees from forming or joining
labor unions. "]
Anti union -
" strategy manuals " are selling briskly, including
Labor Relations in Hospitals 1983 () by Arthur D. and Barbara
Lang Rutknowski (designed "
to help executives keep employees
happier without unions ") and Gordon E. Jackson's When Labor
Trouble Strikes: An Action Handbook (1981), which deplores
union officials and representatives (unwanted "
" and undesired "
partners ") as well as the labor arbitrator who tries to "'second-
guess'management. " The purpose of these books, along with
many workshops and seminars well attended -
by management
officials, is to deny you the right to be represented by labor
unions for the purpose of collective bargaining, a right
guaranteed in the 1974 Amendment to the Taft Hartley -
Act.
In addition to these external pressures, you and your co-
workers don't think you know too much about unions. Many
of the stories you've heard have been discouraging -- that they
take your money and do nothing for you; that they'll force you
to strike even if you don't want to; that they destroy property
and rough up people. How can you find out the truth?
Health / PAC Bulletin
7
Frans
Maserl
You probably have access to a good deal more information
about unions than you realize. People in your family or
neighborhood must belong to one. Talk with them. Tell them
your stories and see if it happens where they work. Ask them
what they like about their unions and what they don't like. Talk
with the people in your hospital or institutions who've been
there more than 20 years. Ask them what it was like before
the 1974 Amendment gave them the right to collective bargain-
ing. How much did they make? Is it true that many full time -
hospital workers had salaries so low they were eligible for
welfare? Ask them why they think things have changed.
Even if these conversations with families and friends leave
everyone feeling more comfortable about joining a union, the
question remains, " Which one? " Several unions have tradi-
tionally represented health care workers and a growing number
of others are attempting to organize them (Health / PAC is cur-
rently surveying these groups and will be reporting on them
in a future issue). Some might have come to your institution
already. Others you might have to seek out.
Take a careful look before deciding. You're choosing an
organization to speak for you in your collective dealings with
management while it helps you to learn to speak for yourselves.
It should not only be effective in securing bread and butter
items, it should reflect your general concerns and views
on particular issues, your values and your style. While it might
take more time to make a careful decision now, it will save you
the expense, disssatisfaction and potential disillusionment of
winding up with two groups unattuned to your needs - the
administration and the union leadership.
We've developed the following check list as a helpful start-
ing point in evaluating possible unions to join. Our rationales
or reasons for including each item are summarized and rele-
vant questions are outlined. Since you'll be making the deci-
sions on whether or not each item is significant to you and
rating them in importance, you'll probably modify this list, and
may expand it.
You'll find answers by talking with union officers,
organizers, and members. You might ask to see examples of
contracts they've negotiated, their newspaper, other literature,
educational materials, and annual reports. By talking with col-
leagues from other institutions and agencies; with co workers -
,
family and friends, you'll learn about a union's effectiveness
and reputation. By joining or forming support groups with
health care and hospital employees from different places, such
as Nurses'Network in New York City, you'll develop ways to
respond to the anxieties and questions that inevitably come up
during organizing efforts.
If you listen to your administration, you'll get a fairly ac-
curate impression of which unions, if any, it prefers. The ob-
vious question that should follow any such " help " is " Why do
these people prefer one union over another and what does that
mean for me? "
Structures and Organizations
The strength of organized workers develops from their abil-
ity to concentrate on the common or universal conditions of
their working experiences, rather than focusing on how jobs
differ, at the same time that those differences are acknowledged
and respected.
For instance, if a nurse leaves her friends at 11 p.m. on a
Saturday night to be on a hospital unit at midnight, she spends
eight hours with one or two aides who have similarly inter-
rupted their evenings. They're more likely to understand how
the other gets through the shift than they will be able to figure
out what the head of nursing services does Mondays through
Fridays working 9 a.m. to 5 p.m.
But because the nursing director and the nurse have had
similar educational experiences with some common under-
standings about patient care, hold the same state RN license,
and probably enjoy some of the same class privileges, they have
connections that separate them from other hospital workers.
These other workers, in turn, share parallel relationships with
each other that exclude RN's and establish the special nature
of their work and the value of their contributions.
The task of developing a collective consciousness while
maintaining the integrity and uniqueness of individuals is dif-
ficult but necessary. The first questions for you as you organize
are " Which connections most influence my work? " and " How
do I feel about them? " Those are the relationships around which
to organize. So, for example, if someone asks where you work
and you answer " In a lab, " it's probable that your strongest iden-
tification is as a lab technician and you'd be more satisfied in
a craft union whose members are organized on the basis of hav-
ing the same skill or trade or being in closely related occupa-
tions. If, however, you answer " In a hospital " and mention lab
technician only after the follow - up question of " What do you
do there? ", it's likely you'd be happier in an industrial union
where membership is organized by company or industry and
according to the product produced. In our case, the product
is health care or health services.
8
Health / PAC Bulletin
The differences between craft and industrial unions are
themselves not as clear - cut today as they were earlier in this
century. Nor are they as significant as the similiarities between
all workers. At the local level, unions often deal with the dif-
ferences similarities /
issue by setting up an internal structure
that includes separate guilds or divisions to address the
uniqueness of workers'concerns, while also providing a
general organization for dealing with industry - wide issues.
The national union (often called international because many
have Canadian locals) might or might not echo this structure
and organization. Whether it does or not, a local's ties to a na-
tional broaden its resources, interests, and base of support.
And finally, the merger of internationals into the American
Federation of Labor Congress -
of Industrial Organization in
1955 was a recognition that whether they were craft (AFL) or
industrial (CIO), unions had more in common with each other
than not and their unity increases their potential as effective
representatives of their memberships.
Questions
Does the union describe itself as craft or industrial? Is it part
of a national? Which one and what do you think about it?
Who else does it represent? How are you connected? How
are you different?
Does the union represent other groups in your region or is
most of its membership several thousand miles away?
Where is policy made? From the local up? From the Inter-
national down?
Is it a member of the AFL - CIO? If not, why not? There (
have
been good and bad reasons for non affiliation -.)
What is its relationship with other unions? Does it have any
history of " raiding " another union's membership?
What is the union's stand on concessions or givebacks in
other industries? What do they do about them?
Democracy in Action
If you're looking for a union, chances are you're already
dissatisfied with working conditions and administrative
policies that keep you from participating in decisions that af-
fect your work life. Without careful attention, you might pick
a union which duplicates your current experiences. It makes
sense, therefore, to find out whether the one you're looking
at will give you " the same old, same old " or encourage (not
merely tolerate) your meaningful and influential (not merely
token) participation.
Questions
Does the union have a structure that provides for elected
delegates from each organizational unit? Do they meet on a
regular basis and discuss policy and program issues?
Does the union membership have a binding vote on policy
and contracts?
Are officers elected directly by the members? What are their
salaries, powers, and duties?
Is there a mechanism by which elected officers must account
to the membership for their actions to implement policies? For
administrative changes? For financial management? For public
statements?
Does the union seek and try new ways to democratize and
humanize the workplace and carefully evaluate management
proposals to determine whether they effect real change, are
just a pretense, or attempts at co optation -
or union busting -?
Perhaps most importantly, does the union allow dissent? Do
delegates have an opportunity for open discussions and debate
and access to the microphone? Are those with minority opi-
nions allowed to reach the membership by printing and
distributing informational literature?
Do magazines and publications express differing positions
or only one " take " on any issue? What do the " Letters to the
Editor " say?
Dues
Unions are financed through membership dues and any in-
terest generated by their investment. Certain percentages of
dues are allotted to the local, the national, and the AFL - CIO
(if the union belongs). Any dues increase must be approved
by a majority vote of the membership, according to the
Landrum - Griffin Act of 1959. All basic operating expenses
of the union are paid with members'monies, although specific
activities or special projects are often underwritten by grants
and, in some cases, gifts.
Questions
Are there any initial entrance fees and what are they? Is it
a flat fee or does it vary according to earnings? Age? Skills?
What are the annual dues? How do you pay them? Monthly?
Quarterly? Are they automatically withdrawn from your salary
(check - off) or do you have to make payments?
Are fines levied for any reason? Why and how much?
Reinstatement fees?
How does the union issue its annual financial report? Is it
easy for members to get - for example, is it published in the
union newspaper? Can you understand it? Does it answer all
your questions on how your money will be spent?
What proportion is spent for organizing? Administration?
Technical services? Financial services? Other?
How much goes to locals? Nationals?
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Health / PAC Bulletin
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What rights and privileges do inactive members have?
Members on temporary lay offs -? Those on strike? Rehired
members?
Negotiating and Servicing a Contract
A union's most visible function is collective bargaining,
defined by the National Labor Relations Act of 1937 as the "
performance of the mutual obligation of employers and
representatives of employees to meet at reasonable times and
confer in good faith with respect to wages, hours and other
terms and conditions of employment.. " and by others as " the
struggle for power in which the parties in opposition rival and
manipulate to improve and advance their own position. " To
deliver a contract that satisfies the members and is acceptable
to the administration, negotiators must be clear on what the
workers want; about what the administration is likely, might,
and can give; and skilled in strategizing and anticipating
reactions.
In addition, since contract negotiations take place in the real
world, negotiators must be well informed on a multitude of
external factors such as cost of living indices; pay benefits;
trends nationally in the industry and among local and com-
peting institutions; the local economy; the job market for
hospital and health care employees; legal requirements; and
more.
The issues to negotiate in a contract are numerous and
varied. They include: recognition and specification of bargain-
ing units, forms of union security, rights and duties of
employers, wages, hours of work and overtime pay, vacation
pay, technological changes, severance pay, grievance pro-
cedures, arbitration, seniority fringe benefits, pensions, lay-
off and recall procedures, sub contracting -
, income security,
flexibility of assignment, length of the agreement.
Once the contract has been negotiated and ratified by the
rank and file, it must be administered on a day to day basis.
The union has a responsibility to its membership to service
10
Health / PAC Bulletin
the contract by monitoring for any violations, to use appro-
priate avenues to correct any discovered (see Grievance Pro-
cedure below), and to evaluate which aspects of the contract
should be kept or strengthened at the next negotiations.
Questions
Ask to see some of the union's most recent contracts. What
do you think of them?
Who goes to the negotiating table? Who is considered part
of the negotiating team? How much experience in negotiating
do they have? Have they ever negotiated in your institution?
In any place similar? For a group such as yours or one similar?
Does the union currently have any workers for whom they've
yet to deliver a contract? For how long? Why? Do workers have
to pay dues before they get their first contract?
Is there any history of difficulties in winning membership
ratification of contracts? Why?
How does the union monitor its existing contracts? What has
the union done about contract violations? (See Grievance Pro-
cedures below).
Has the union ever been de certified -
by a group it
represented for either long term dissatisfaction with its
negotiating or poor protection of existing contracts?
Grievance Procedures
The grievance process is your way of letting the administra-
tion know that something about your job or working condi-
tions seems unfair or wrong to you before serious difficulties
develop.
Your grievances deserve careful time and attention from your
union steward; the way they're handled by the steward and the
administration will be a good clue in gauging the strength and
effectiveness of the union.
Questions
Are the steps in the grievance procedure clearly written in-
to the contract? In the employee handbook? Do you understand
-
them?
Who do you grieve to? How? Who will represent you at
which steps? Stewards? Union grievance committees? National
union committees?
Is there any history of these representatives discouraging
grievances?
Are there any time limits stated? How long after your complaint
must the process formally begin? How long will the decision
take? What about an appeal?
Does the union have a history of settling (not necessarily
winning) grievances at early stages? Do they get blown up?
Does it clearly identify the real issues?
Do discharges, suspensions, or other disciplinary actions
get priority?
Does the union handle all complaints or only those covered
by contracts?
Is there immunity for the worker who grieves? Is there pay
for time taken for the grievance process?
Enough Full Time - Organizers
" Once the union knocks, the employer's best strategy is to
defeat the union organizing campaign during its inception, " ac-
cording to a leading manual for " union busters. " 4
Since this sentiment is becoming an administrative maxim,
the organizing campaign will be the time when any of your
fears about administrative pressures or harassment are most
likely to be realized. You'll need someone who knows an " un-
fair labor practice " when he or she sees one, who can explain
what you and the adminsitration can and cannot do legally;
someone who can answer questions, calm panic, and counter
scare tactics; someone who organizes meetings and activities
properly to encourage and share information with all the
employees.
Questions
How many organizers is the union willing to assign to your
institution or agency?
Will they come to you at convenient times? How often? How
long are their meetings with you? Do they rush off?
Are they easily available by phone? Do they return your calls
promptly?
Do you understand what they're saying? Do they take the
time to answer questions fully or speed - talk you into
confusion?
Do you think they know what they're talking about? Do they
understand your job? Your institution? You?
Willingness and Ability to Support a Strike
In encountering administrative representatives of hospitals,
nursing homes, medical industrial -
empires or health care cor-
porations, you are facing the frontmen / women of a multi-
billion dollar industry. The stakes --
the redistribution of con-
trol in the workplace - are high, and the administration's
resources are extensive and seemingly overwhelming - except
for one thing. The industry's profits and management's pro-
fits at your institution or agency depend on maintaining at least
the appearance that health care is being provided. Since your
collective willingness to work or withhold your labor deter-
mines whether the industry's products are delivered, your
bargaining power is potentially tremendous.
For a variety of reasons, some union leaderships have been
resistant to strikes. For example, until recently some public
sector unions and state nurses associations have questioned the
ethics of strikes at health care institutions. Others have
disagreed with their membership as to whether or not a strike
would be effective in particular cases. Others have been
criticized for being more concerned with giving management
a stable labor force and keeping labor peace than with the
grievances of their members.6
initiated
Nonetheless, workers in increasing numbers have initiated
and sustained strikes with or without leadership support.
Questions
Are there formal rules for calling a strike? What are they?
How is a strike called off?
Who goes on strike? Units? Guilds or divisions? Entire
locals?
Is a strike benefit fund already set up? What are the rules
for collecting money? How much? For how long?
If no fund has been established, how will money be raised?
On what issues has the union struck in the past? Do they call
strikes frequently or hardly at all? How is picketing conducted?
Are union officers on the line? For how long?
What have these strikes gained? Lost?
Is there any history of " wildcat " strikes among workers they
represent?
Usual Benefit Packages
Benefits have been considered earned compensation (pay)
Health / PAC Bulletin
11
for a long time. Currently workers in many industries are be-
ing asked, in some cases forced, to " give back " benefits they've
previously earned and negotiated. At the same time, executives
in the same industry often enjoy compensation packages that
include bonuses and stock options worth hundreds of
thousands of dollars above their already generous base salaries,
as well as a variety of " perks " such as elaborate exercise / fitness
centers, discounted business travel, company help in finding
housing and arranging mortgage rates, expense accounts, reim-
bursement for educational expenses, etc. (See Boxes).
It's a pleasurable fantasy, but an unlikely one, that such favors
will filter down from the administration to the organization's
labor force or that unions are in any position to win equal ad-
vantages for their members. Nonetheless, you have a right to
expect that your representatives will negotiate the best possible
package for you and your families in areas such as health in-
surance, death and disability benefits, retirement plans, sav-
ings and capital accumulation plans, unemployment pay, vaca-
tion pay and holiday time, and educational assistance.
Questions
1. Health Insurance. Who pays for it? You? Your employer?
The union? If you all contribute, how much comes from each?
Is there one plan for everyone? If there's a base plan and a
supplemental plan, what does each cover? Do your choices in-
clude enrolling in a Health Maintenance Organization (HMO)?
What differences are there for different age groups? Single
vs. married? With dependents? How many?
What is the deductible expense, i.e. how much will you have
to pay out of pocket before you're eligible for reimbursement?
Do you have to pay a percentage of all bills above that? Is there
a maximum amount covered for each service or are they
covered fully? If there's a maximum, is it high enough to help
you significantly?
What kind of services does the plan cover? Office visits? An-
nual check - ups and tests? Preventive medicine? Nurses'visits?
Prescription drug plans? Dentists? Eye doctors? Post hospital -
care? Psychiatric visits? Long - term custodial care?
2. Disability. Do you have to contribute out of your weekly
paychecks or is it covered by your employer? Your union?
How much money does the program provide? For how long?
How long do you have to work or be a union member before
you qualify?
Is there insurance for a non related - work -
accident or
sickness that causes disability?
3. Death. Does your death insurance depend on your salary
or is it uniform for all workers? Is there a base plan and a
supplemental?
What does it provide for your family? What if you've retired?
4. Retirement Income and Capital Accumulation Plan. Is
there a fixed pension plan or does it depend on your seniority
and / or earnings? Do the company and the union contribute to
it? Does early retirement affect it? Is it transferable to your
spouse or dependents?
Is there a savings plan? Through payroll deductions or our
deposits? Are there any special interest rates? Does the com-
pany have to contribute? Are there qualified trust funds? If so,
where do these funds invest your money?
If your hospital or agency is part of a proprietary corpora-
tion, is there any profit sharing -?
Current payout or deferred
distribution? Are there opportunities for acquiring stock?
Reduced broker's commissions? Is there a Monthly Investment
Plan?
5. Time Off With Pay. Full pay or partial? How much vaca-
tion time for new employees? After five years? After ten?
How many holidays are recognized and which ones? What
about religious observances? Any personal days? What if
someone in your family or a close friend dies? Is there time
off for jury duty? Military duty? Civil emergencies?
6. Pay for Unemployment. Is there any plan for getting paid
if you're temporarily laid off? For how long? How much?
7. Educational Assistance. Does the union or the hospital
offer any tuition reimbursement? For your dependents? Educa-
tional leaves?
Will it help you upgrade your skills? Does it offer any
workshops with continuing education credit?
Occupational Safety and Health
While you're exhausting yourself caring for patients with
limited personnel and inadequate supplies, administrative
policies are often undermining your health through benign
neglect or overt callousness.
The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 gives
hospital and health care employees the same legal rights as all
other workers to " safe and healthful working conditions. " Given
the hazards of hospital work, union actions to help you secure
your rights and preserve your own health and that of your
families and friends are vital.
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12
Health / PAC Bulletin
The threat of occupationally - related illness and injury is an
equalizer among all hospital and health care employees. In the
common working environment each is exposed to infection,
stress, radiation and high energy, chemical hazards,
biomechanical trauma (e.g. back strain), and safety hazards.
Depending on where in the institution you work, you might
also be exposed to health hazards such as ethylene oxide, for-
maldehyde, antineoplastic drugs, methyl methacrylate, and
anesthesia gases?
Questions
Does the union have a health and safety department? How
well is it staffed? Does it distribute any written materials? Does
it offer educational programs to its membership? Help in set-
ting up in house -
health and safety committees?
Does the union include specific clauses in its contracts that
guarantee safe and healthy working conditions? If not, does
it use the grievance process to protect your health?
Does the union keep health records over a long enough
period (20 or more years) to detect patterns of disease and
death among its membership? Do they review the records on
a systematic basis? What have they found? What do they do
about it?
Does the union safeguard the workers " " Know Right - to -"
what
chemicals they're exposed to in the course of their work? Does
it lobby for legislation in those states without such protection?
Does it work with local Committees / Coalitions on Occupa-
tional Safety and Health (COSH's)?
National Policies and Social Issues
American working people pay for, and do the fighting and
dying for, our powerful military industrial -
complex. Among
its activities have been the destruction of Vietnam and Cam-
bodia, the invasion of Grenada, and " covert " military opera-
tions such as the mining of Nicaragua's harbors. Its policies
help perpetuate and accelerate the dangerous and wasteful arms
race with the Soviet Union.
Military expenditures make up a massive and rapidly in-
creasing share of our national budget while an increasing
number of people, most of them women and children, are
" starving in the land of plenty, " without jobs or hope of find-
ing them, and without access to health and human services.
The effects of the current Administration's policies have been
extensively documented by Health / PAC and other organiza-
tions. Many of them are evident to most of us, even if govern-
ment officials profess to believe that some people stand in soup
kitchen lines or live in crowded homes because they like to.
In its recent report, " Inequalities of Sacrifice, " the Coalition
on Women and the Budget confirmed the general impression
that the rhetoric of reducing federal spending was only a
smokescreen to cover a policy of gutting some programs while
expanding others. For every $ 1 taken from poverty programs,
for example, the military has received $ 4.15.
When anyone asks you how this affects your work, you can
tell them plenty about how national policies are damaging
people's lives and your own work experience. If you work in
a hospital which serves poor and working people, you know
the patients who manage to get there are sicker when they ar-
rive and either stay longer or are still sick when they leave.
The mothers who visit your clinic tell you that their children
get less to eat, less to learn, less chance to be healthy. They
also say that their husbands and sons seem to drink more and
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are angrier and more abusive since being out of work. You're
being asked to do more things in the same or shorter amounts
of time for the same pay, but figure you're lucky because many
of your friends have lost their jobs.
Questions
Does the union monitor the direct effects of governmental
policies on the working experiences of its members? For ex-
ample, does it keep track of how the new DRG system is
affecting the workload and work schedules of hospital
employees? Does it keep its membership informed of what it
finds out?
Does the union exert its leadership and influence to speak
out against U.S. interference in other countries in defense of
rich a minority opposed by the overwhelming majority of the
population? Does it speak and work against racial, class, and
sexual discrimination in society as a whole and in the health
care system? Against the corporate takeover of health care?
Does the union support the movement for a nuclear freeze?
For a more equitable distribution of the nation's wealth? For
protection of our environment?
Women's Issues
Women make up 76 percent of the health labor force; most
of them are burdened with the added stress of societal expec-
tations that they also maintain a home and family.9.10 In some
occupations, nursing for example, as much as 96.4 percent of
all workers are women. Their work involves the institu-
Health / PAC Bulletin
13
i
tionalization of traditional "
" female activities, caring for the
sick and managing births, and serves as a metaphor for " tradi-
tional " maternal roles such as nurturing and comforting. " For
these reasons, health care is usually seen as women's work,
and whatever value a society places on women's work in
general will be carried over to health care, whether it is ac-
tually performed by women or by men. In addition, patients
are more likely to be women than men, 12 so their concerns
are a large part of a health worker's job.
Questions
Does the leadership of the union reflect its predominantly
female membership?
Does it demand comparable worth provisions in its contracts
and move to redress existing inequities?
Does it refuse to support political candidates who do not have
a strong ERA platform? Does it speak out in support of
reproductive rights? For government aid programs like sup-
plemental food for women and children (WIC)?
Does it monitor the availability and quality of women's health
services? What does it do about sterilization abuse of both
health care consumers in general and its membership? About
other assaults on women's bodies such as unnecessary or ex-
cessive surgery and the overprescription of medications?
Does it work for free, quality daycare for all women? Pro-
vide child care at its meetings, conferences, and events? Do
its workshops reflect women's concerns?
_
A Final Note: Beware of those who wave figures in front of
you that " prove " the decline of trade unions. Beware of those
who blame the high cost of health care on union demands for
higher wages while ignoring the expense of technology and
the profits of hospitals, medical suppliers, and pharmaceutical
corporations. And beware of those who try to convince you
that you're better off on your own without any association,
organization, or union.
These arguments are pushed by people who prefer to deal
with individuals rather than organized workers. You can guess
why. Of the options available to hospital and health care
employees, unions continue to hold the best promise for
transforming your work into humane and caring experiences,
for you and the patients you serve.
1. 1. Barbaro, F.J. Report on the misuse of Medicaid funds to deprive workers
of their rights to join a union. New York, New York State Assembly Stand-
ing Committee on Labor, March 1982.
2. Stern, E.M. " Collective Bargaining: a means of conflict resolution. " Nurs-
ing Administration Quarterly 19 6: 2:, Winter 1982, 11.
3. Chamberlain, N.W. and Cullen, D.E. The labor sector (2nd ed). New
York, McGraw Hill, 1971, p. 213.
4. Jackson, Gordon E. When Labor Trouble Strikes: an action handbook.
New Jersey, Prentice - Hall, Inc., 1981, p. 95.
5. Stern, op. cit.
6. Aronowitz, S. False Promises: The Shaping of American Working Class
Consciousness. New York, McGraw Hill Book Company, 1973, p. 217.
7. Stellman, J.M. Women's Work, Women's Health. New York, Pantheon
Books, 1977, pp. 87-102.
8. Mattia, M.A. " Hazards in the Hospital Environment, " series in American
Journal of Nursing, 83 72-7: 1:, 240-43 83: 2:
, and 758-62 83: 5:
, January,
February and May 1983.
9. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstracts of the United States: 1984
(104th edition), Washington, D.C., No. 698, p. 42.
10. Kessler - Harris, A. Out to work: A History of Wage earning -
Women in the
United States. New York, Oxford University Press, 1982.
11. 11. Fagin, C.M. and Diers, D. " Nursing as Metaphor. " New England Jour-
nal of Medicine, July 14, 1983, 116-117.
12. Riessman, C.K. " Women and Medicalization. " Social Policy, 14: 1: 5.
Books
Received
Brinn, Ginny Cassidy, Francie Hornstein and Carol Downer,
Women Centered Pregnancy and Birth (Pittsburgh, PA: Cleiss
Press, 1984)
Chavkin, Wendy, M.D., Ed., Double Exposure: Women's
Health Hazards on the Job and at Home (New York: Monthly
Review Press, 1984)
Collins, Joseph with Frances Moore Lappe and Nick Allen,
What Difference Could a Revolution Make? (San Francisco:
Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1982)
EPICA Task Force, Grenada: The Peaceful Revolution
(Washington, DC: Epica, 1984)
Gold, Ellen B., The Changing Risk of Disease in Women: An
Epidemiologic Approach (Lexington, MA: The Collamore
Press, 1984)
Kreps, Gary L. and Barbara C. Thornton, Health Communica-
tion (New York: Longman, 1984) $ 17.95
Lewontin, R.C., Steven Rose and Leon J. Kamin, Not in Our
Genes: Biology, Ideology and Human Nature (New York: Pan-
theon Books, 1984) $ 21.95
Mashaw, Jerry L., Bureaucratic Justice: Managing Social
Security Disability Claims (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press,
1983) $ 25.00
Meyer, Roberta, The Parent Connection: How to Communicate
with your Child about Alcohol and Other Drugs New (York:
Franklin Watts, 1984) $ 14.95
Older, Julia, Endometriosis (New York: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1984) $ 15.95
Potts, Malcolm and Peter Diggory, Textbook of Contraceptive
Practice (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984) $ 24.95
Rosset, Peter and John Vandermeer, The Nicaragua Reader:
Documents of a Revolution under Fire (New York: Grove
Press, Inc., 1983)
Sagov, Stanley E., R.I. Feinblook, Peggy Spindel and A. Brod-
sky, Home Birth: A Practitioner's Guide to Birth Outside the
Hospital (Rockville, MD: Aspen Systems, 1984)
Sidel, Victor W. and Ruth Sidel (Eds.), Reforming Medicine:
Lessons of the Last Quarter Century (New York: Pantheon
Books, 1984) $ 19.95
14
Health / PAC Bulletin
Have Housestaff Found a Home?
by Edward P. Ott and Gilda Zwerman
This is the fiftieth anniversary of the housestaff movement
in the United States. Since its inception, the movement's
goal has been to organize salaried physicians - primarily in-
terns, residents, and hospital fellows - to improve wages, work-
ing conditions, and patient care, as well as to provide a unified
voice on social and political issues.
Even among its members, reaching the half century mark
has attracted little attention. When Terry Fitzgerald, M.D.,
president of the New York - New Jersey Committee of Interns
and Residents - the largest housestaff organization in the
country - mentioned it in his opening remarks at the Con-
ference of Housestaff Organizations held this April 27-29 at
CIR headquarters, there was no applause and virtually no
interest.
This lack of fanfare reflects the uniqueness of a union with
a membership turnover of virtually 100 percent every three to
five years. The result is a tendency toward historical amnesia
among members, organizational instability, and inexperienc-
ed leadership whose " inheritance " amounts to an uninviting
pile of archival leaflets, resolutions, and bylaws.
In this context the movement's ability to sustain itself, with
varying degrees of success, since 1934 is itself a considerable
achievement, and its nascent stage of development at middle
age is not surprising. Primarily concentrated in urban
hospitals, the movement currently boasts strong local organiza-
tions in New York, Boston, Los Angeles, and Chicago.
However even in these cities winning formal recognition from
the hospital administration, the National Labor Relations
Board, the labor movement, and a substantial proportion of
the doctors themselves has been a formidable task. The most
common obstacle has been the argument that housestaff are
students or employees in transition, and therefore not entitled
to collective bargaining or unions.
This is a past the conferees were eager to transcend, and
many were optimistic that they soon will be able to. Most of
their well ordered -
, thoughtful discussions concerned the
related topics of the need for a national organization and how
to organize interns and residents in public and private facilities.
The New Federation
_ The idea of forming a national organization is not new. In
1971, the National Housestaff Coalition, a loose grouping of
about 10,000 active housestaff, voted to establish the Physi-
Edward F. Ott is an Instructor of Labor Studies at Empire State
College. Gilda Zwerman is Assistant Professor in the Depart-
ment of Sociology, SUNY Old Westbury.
cians National Housestaff Association. During the mid 1970's -
the PNHA organized job actions on the issues of patient care
and salary grievances, but its efforts soon foundered. The few
large, stable chapters were unhappy carrying the financial
burden while the smaller chapters were devoting all of their
resources to organizing on the local level. The loss of a court
battle to gain NLRB recognition as a union was a heavy blow,
and PNHA officially dissolved in 1979 after CIR withdrew.
Renewed interest in forming a national organization has been
sparked by recent developments in California. For the past six
years, the housestaff of the University of California have been
trying to organize in the face of administration objections that
they are students, not employees. But this time the union posi-
tion has been sustained, in a February 1983 ruling by the
California Public Employee Relations Board. The University
has appealed, but most observers expect that decision will be
upheld by the California Appeals Court this fall. If so, there
would be a housestaff vote throughout the entire University
of California system. This election, involving 4,500 housestaff
physicians, would be the largest of its type ever held in the
United States.
The likelihood of a fiercely contested vote in the near future
created a sense of urgency at the April meeting in New York.
When Alan Brill, an organizer from San Francisco, told the
delegates that the California Association of Interns and
Residents wants to organize " in conjunction with a national
organization, " his message was that CAIR might be forced to
affiliate with some other national union.
" Are we going to have an organization run by housestaff, "
he challenged the other delegates, " or a series of housestaff
organizations affiliated with many different unions? " CAIR
feels that the backing of a national organization is essential for
the state wide - vote since the University will use its considerable
resources to resist housestaff organizing efforts and CAIR's
own resources are no match for them.
In the protracted discussion that followed, the delegates from
Boston expressed reluctance to commit themselves to any na-
tional organization but indicated that they wanted to support
the efforts of California housestaff. Jonathan House, M.D.,
Executive Director of New York - New Jersey CIR, favored a
national organization but warned that " talk of a national
organization raises anxieties based on past experience and ra-
tional fears. There is a danger of creating a minimally effec-
tive but maximally costly bureaucracy. "
Just before the vote was taken, CIR President Fitzgerald
pointed out that " Any single group could face a crisis that might
require the support of a national structure. We should have
Health / PAC Bulletin
15
a structure in place before a crisis sets in. " The delegates
agreed; on Sunday morning they issued a call for the creation
of a National Federation of Housestaff Organizations uniting
local groups that engage in collective bargaining on behalf of
interns, residents, and fellows.
A resolution released the week of April 30 affirms that the
new National Federation intends to safeguard the movement's
historical commitments to local chapter autonomy, quality pa-
tient care, and the betterment of working conditions for
housestaff physicians.
Troubles Ahead
The efforts of housestaff to link the issues of quality patient
care and the quality of working conditions for physicians pro-
mises to become more difficult as the trend toward subcon-
tracting of medical services accelerates. Tasks once performed
by hired staff of a hospital are increasingly being farmed out
to private companies which provide their own equipment and
use it to service several hospitals.
For the hospital, this means release from the financial
burdens of buying and maintaining equipment and paying
health and pension benefits to many employees - the subcon-
tractors generally hire on a temporary basis, pay low wages,
and give almost no benefits to their employees, often hispanics,
blacks, or recent immigrants desperate for jobs and willing to
work under substandard conditions.
Hospital administrators have made subcontracting an in-
tegral part of their comprehensive strategies to maximize cost-
effectiveness. They believe it has worked well in their service
and maintenance units and should be extended to functions per-
formed by housestaff physicians. If pushed to its limits, sub-
contracting will divide and decentralize all hospital employees,
including housestaff, making union organizing harder than
ever. Furthermore, as service and employee contracting out
surges, hospital employees, unions, and consumer groups will
find it increasingly difficult to monitor standards and main-
tain quality control over health services.
Can the Federation Succeed?
The housestaff movement and the issues raised at the 1984
Conference highlight some of the major concerns of a rela-
tively small, politically aware group of healthcare profes-
sionals. This does not, however, tell us whether these issues
are on the agenda of salaried physicians as a whole.
While union membership among industrial workers has
declined since World War II, unionization has been up among
highly skilled professionals such as physicians, college
teachers, and lawyers. Many skeptics believe this trend is in-
significant within the overall picture of labor politics. Some
scoff that unionization among doctors is merely an attempt by
members of an already overpaid occupation to secure even
greater economic benefits. Others belittle it as a political ab-
berration, a last ditch -
attempt by erstwhile 60's radicals to
maintain a semblance of activism in their new profession.
One skeptic, Rep. Major Owens, member of the House
Committee on Labor, was the keynote speaker at the 1984
Housestaff Association Conference. You're committed, ethical
people, he told the assembled housestaff officers, " And I love
you for it. " Yet doctors, he went on to say, " are part of the
system. A system that is greedy. A system that excludes large
sections of the population from access to decent medical care.
A system that is committed to profits, not people. "
Are those interns and residents active in the housestaff move-
ment really as exceptional as the skeptics say? Clearly the con-
ference delegates don't think so. Their resolution launching the
National Federation emerges from a consensus among the
Plympton
Bill
16
Health / PAC Bulletin
housestaff movement leadership that growing numbers of
physicians will share their enthusiasm for a doctors'union, em-
bracing it as an appropriate representative of their interests as
professionals as well as employees.
At present, however, most physicians in this country do not
think they are in need of a protective labor organization. Many,
through their membership in and identification with profes-
sional organizations such as the American Medical Associa-
tion, are committed to resisting corporate and management
authority in hospitals in ways that do not involve collective
bargaining or development of a trade union consciousness.
Their self image is members of an elite occupation, un-
touchable by the external authorities in society.
Medical training and the orientation of the American
Medical Association socialize physicians into believing that
they are the dominant force in the health care industry. This
notion is founded on two assumptions. First, that doctors are
autonomous in a hospital setting, with the power to determine
standards of practice and working conditions. Second, that
employment in a hospital is part of a training process that will
propel most of them toward a lucrative private practice.
The reality is otherwise. Current employment figures show
that about 300,000 doctors in the United States, over 40 per-
cent of those currently in practice, are employed by health
maintenance organizations (HMO's), the federal government,
hospitals, and clinics. According to Dr. Jonathan House, " As
health care is increasingly delivered out of large corporate en-
tities, there will be more and more salaried physicians. The
proportion is expected to grow to 70 or 80 percent in the next
ten to 15 years. "
In this context, the new National Federation has a vast poten-
tial constituency, but it faces an extremely complex task.
Foremost, it will have to clarify the distinction between its
support for job control and work autonomy for physicians and
the American Medical Association's longstanding insistance
upon a monopoly of control for physicians at the expense of
other health care employees. In addition, the Federation will
have to prove to the labor movement as a whole that a union
Bit Pompen
Plympton
Bill
of professionals dedicated to both physicians rights and patients
rights is essential to the development of a rational system of
health care delivery in in the U.S. Persuading Americans that the
housestaff organizing slogan " low wages is bad medicine " is
more than self serving -
will be a long struggle.
O
1. Pfordresher, Kate, " House Calls, " Health / PAC Bulletin Vol 12, No. 6, July-
August 1981, p. 6.
Bulletin Board
"
receive the call for papers, full program and travel in- in-
Conference Calls Calls
formation, contact Robert Guild, Program Director,
Women and the Politics of Cancer is the theme of a
Marazul Tours, Inc. 250 West 57th St., Suite 1311, New
Saturday, October 27 conference organized by the Na-
tional Women's Health Network. It will be held at
William O'Shea Intermediate School, 76th St. between
York, NY 10107. Toll - free number outside New New York
State: 800-223-5334. __
Also in Havana will be the First International Seminar
Columbus and Amsterdam Avenues, in New York City.
For more information, call (212) 677-4940.
on Health Psychology, sponsored by the Interamerican
Society of Psychology, The National
Psychology Group
Over 2000 participants from 30 countries are expected
of Cuba's Ministry of Public Health, and the Cuban
at the three congresses of pediatrics in Havana, Cuba,
Spolcaiceety Doefc eHemabletrh P5s-y7c.ho lFoogry Pisnyfcohrolmoagtyi. oTnh eo nse mtihnea r cwaillll tfaokre
S
November 11-16. Sponsors are the Latin American
Association of Pediatrics, the International Pediatric
Association, and the Cuban Society of Pediatrics. To
papers and other details, contact Robert Guild at the
above address. oo o oe
Health / PAC Bulletin
17
continued from page 2
jail. After they looted the village, they
took the women out and shot them in
groups of 20. Their bodies were burned
in the empty houses. Then they stabbed
and disembowelled the children and
threw them, some still alive, in a pile in-
side a house. Finally they took the men
in groups of ten, tied them up, threw
them on the ground, and shot them.
When 25 men were left in the jail the
soldiers set it afire and moved away. Six
men escaped out a window; three of
them were shot. The other three, who
made their way to Carlotta's village, were
the only survivors from a village of 300
people.
After hearing this story, Carlotta's en-
tire village fled terrified into the jungle,
leaving their homes, crops, food, and
animals, and made their way to Mexico
with only the clothes on their backs. The
trip took many days. Some people died,
and the remainder arrived in Chiapas ex-
hausted, half starved -
, and sick. Carlot-
ta hasn't seen her husband since.
We were able to visit two camps near
the Montebello lakes in the Chiapas
highlands, Cuahtemoc (1100 inhabitants)
and Benito Juarez (625 inhabitants). Liv-
ing conditions are severe in both.
Families live in closely - spaced huts
about ten by 12 feet, windowless, with
dirt floors, walls of strung together -
stakes and roofs of heavy corrugated tar-
paper. They offer little protection from
the cold and have no electricity or run-
ning water. Cooking is done in the center
of the hut over an open fire, which is also
the source of heat. Exposure to smoke
combined with the cold in the huts con-
tributes to the significant amount of
respiratory illness. Between and im-
mediately around the dwellings there is
no greenery, only packed dirt.
Most of the trees around the camps
have been cut for fuel and lumber, so the
refugees must carry wood long distances
over the denuded hillsides. There is scant
evidence of cultivated land; we were told
the Mexicans do not allow the refugees
to farm around these camps since they
are nervous about the strain it will put on
the local economy and fear the refugees
will settle permanently. The absence of
farming contributes directly to a food
crisis, despite some help from relief
organizations. The only animals people
have are a few chickens. The people are
hungry.
Dr. Jose Carrillo, a Mexican physi-
cian, works with the refugees for the
Catholic Church. He has practiced in
Nicaragua, and holds a degree in public
health from Cuba. According to two
studies he has done of disease and
malnutrition in the camps, one third to
one half of the refugees need health care
services every month. The most com-
mon problems are acute bronchitis,
_
parasitic infections, malnutrition, and
severe anemia. Seven out of ten children
suffer some degree of malnutrition. One
of ten malnourished children may weigh
only half as much as a well nourished -
child of the same age. Nine of ten mal-
nourished children suffer from illness,
mainly infections of the lungs or
intestines.
Relief aid comes from several sources.
COMAR, the Mexican government
agency with jurisdiction over the
refugees, has a budget of $ 6 million. Its
responsibilities include services; supply-
ing food, clothing, and medicine; and
coordinating the relief work of the
Catholic Church and other agencies.
The Church is a major source of sup-
port for both the Guatemalans and the
local Mexicans, many of whom are as
poor as the refugees. It has a budget of
$ 1.5 million for supplies and develop-
ment projects in education, agriculture,
and cooperatives. An independent local
organization, CARGUA, also provides
help. Half its $ 100,000 budget goes for
food, and the balance for projects in
nutrition, health, and animal husbandry.
Despite the significant efforts of these
relief agencies much of the need is still
unmet. We brought medicine and sup-
plies to workers from the Church and
CARGUA, and to the state hospital in
Comitan, 60 miles from the border. The
hospital is a 60 bed - facility accom-
modating 100 patients, one third to one
half of whom are refugees. Diseases
resulting mainly from malnutrition, poor
sanitation, and a generally inadequate
living environment are prevalent, among
them tuberculosis, bacterial and parasitic
infections, and anemia. Funding from
UNICEF enables the hospital to main-
tain two nourishment centers for child-
ren, where care is also given for measles,
polio, whooping cough, and other child-
hood diseases which can be prevented
with immunization.
The conditions of
Guatemalan
refugees in Mexico is desperate, but they
are more fortunate than many of their
compatriots still in their own country. A
priest in Chiapas gave me documents
concerning the displaced persons in
Guatemala, approximately half a million
in a nation of 7.5 million people. They
are of the rural poor, who have been try-
ing to organize to improve their lives.
The army and security forces have
responded to this challenge to the
wealthy landowners by terrorizing the
peasants out of their villages into the
remote mountains, from the country to
the city (especially Guatemala City), and
from the north to the south. Those who
have fled to the mountains often lack
food, clothing, shelter, and medicine.
Relief assistance is minimal. Many are
starving and freezing to death.
The Guatemalan Human Rights Com-
mission, a member of the International
Federation for the Rights of Man, cir-
culates a Monthly Report of Repression
in Guatemala from its headquarters in
Mexico City. This report documents
names, ages, occupations, circum-
stances, and in some cases photographs
of victims of violations for the previous
month, chilling testimony to the repres-
sion. The incidents are broken down in-
to assassinations, kidnappings, disap-
pearances, and other repressive acts.
U.S. support of repressive govern-
ments and military intervention in Cen-
tral America must be stopped. All of us
must try to influence our representatives
to change our government's foreign
policy, to permit freedom and self-
determination. And we must continue to
send money and supplies to the people
suffering in the wars there. Contribu-
tions can be sent to Central America
Medical Aid, P.O. Box 8868, Min-
neapolis, MN 55408.
Josh Lipsman
Minneapolis, MN
Since Josh Lipsman's visit the Mexican
government has begun forcibly removing
refugees from the border areas. Officials
say that frequent land and air incursions,
culminating in an April 30 attack in
which soldiers in Guatemalan uniforms
killed six refugees, show that the border
camps cannot be protected.
Several thousand Guatemalans have
already fled into the night to avoid
removal. The Church has reiterated its
earlier offer of land for them. The
government has so far been adamant in
pursuing its plan.
Editor
18
Health / PAC Bulletin
The Great American Health
Fortunes of 1983
by Tony Bale
Health
Health care has become a spawning ground for a growing
Health care become spawning spawning spawnian
g ground for growing growing
even more substantial fortunes. These people are the big win-
ners in a health care system shaped increasingly to facilitate
the accumulation of personal wealth.
The health rich and super - rich are generally not known to
the health care community. Rather, their exploits are celebrated
in the business press, with its lists of the biggest and fastest-
growing companies, and the highest paid and wealthiest
individuals.
These people are also worthy of the attention of anyone con-
cerned with health care. Knowing who they are and something
about how they became so extraordinarily rich provides a basis
for understanding how wealth is amassed through the provi-
sion of drugs, medical supplies, diagnostic equipment, health
services, exercise and nutritional accoutrements, and the other
commodities that together generate the product " health " in the
United States.
The chief executive officer of a large corporation in the
health care industry receives a generous salary, but needs
substantial stock holdings to enter the higher circles. Edmund
Pratt, Jr., CEO of Pfizer, received an impressive 887,000 $
in
salary and bonus, but this put him only fifth of 16 on the Forbes
list for pharmaceutical firms. On top was Donald Rumsfeld,
Secretary of Defense under President Ford, Middle East en-
voy under Ronald Reagan, and currently chief executive of
G.D. Searle. His $ 833,000 in salary and bonus income last year
was supplemented by $ 101,000 in other compensation and
$ 481,000 from stock, for a total of $ 1,415,000.
Hospital management companies paid their top executives
comparable amounts. Thus Royce Diener of American Medical
International earned $ 788,000 in salary and bonus income and
another $ 196,000 from stock.
It is often argued that such colossal salaries are needed to
spur executives on so that the whole world can benefit from
their frenetic search for corporate growth and profits. However
this argument is belied by ServiceMaster Industries of
Downers Grove, Illinois. A religiously - oriented company, it
contracts with hospitals to provide housekeeping, laundry,
maintenance, and food preparation services. Over the past ten
years, ServiceMaster has provided the highest return on
stockholder equity of any of the Fortune 500 service companies
or 500 leading industrials. Yet in 1983 the company's CEO
Tony Bale is a sociologist and a member of the Health / PAC
Board. -
received $ 175,000 in salary as his full compensation; this put
him tenth and last on the Forbes medical equipment and ser-
vices list, with just a little over half the salary of the ninth place
finisher.
Even those earning over $ 1 million a year are not the big
earners. Becoming an entrepreneur and major stockholder in
your own company is the route to a truly substantial fortune.
One who did is Richard Eamer, founder and chief executive
of National Medical Enterprises, one of the largest and most
diversified of the for profit -
hospital companies. In 1982, a good
year for the stock market, Eamer made $ 415,000 in salary,
$ 260,000 in bonus income, and another $ 2,047,000 in long-
term gains on his stock. In 1983 Eamer's salary and bonus in-
come jumped to $ 1,104,000. At the end of the year his stock
holdings were worth over $ 14 million.
Vast as the HCA and Humana fortunes are,
they do not approach the super - rich category.
Dr. Thomas Frist, Jr. is currently head of the largest for-
profit hospital company, Hospital Corporation of America,
based in Nashville, TN; he founded HCA in 1969 with his
father. In 1983 his total compensation came to $ 1,404,000; his
stock holdings were in the neighborhood of $ 25 million. Since
his father held an additional $ 16 million worth, the family for-
tune was well on the way to sizeable. David Jones, founder and
CEO of Humana, the number two company, has moved into
the same financial neighborhood.
Vast as these fortunes are, they do not approach the super-
rich category. This can be made by an entrepreneur who takes
a substantial privately - held company public or sells out to a
corporate giant. One of 1983's biggest financial success stories
was Leonard Abramson of Willow Creek, PA. Abramson's
U.S. Health Care Systems health maintenance organization
(HMO) started out in the mid - 70's with a federal grant and a
Health and Human Services loan. In 1981 he converted his crea-
tion into a for profit -
firm, sold a 40 percent interest to War-
burg Pincus Capital Corp. of New York, and used this ven-
ture capital investment to help repay the government loan and
expand the business. U.S. Health Care Systems went public
Health / PAC Bulletin
19
in February 1983; Abramson's stock was then worth $ 31
million. Riding the crest of speculation that for profit -
HMO's
will be the next big money - maker in the industry, U.S. Health
Care's stock rose 139 percent by the end of the year, putting
its founder in the top rank of paper earners for 1983.
Abraham Gosman of Newton, MA took his Mediplex Group
public in October 1983, and became the holder of $ 40 million
Ewing Kauffman claims stock sharing -
has
made 62 employees at his Marion Laboratories
millionaires.
in stock. Mediplex specializes in nursing homes, and
alcoholism and drug rehabilitation centers.
The most spectacular financial gain in the health industry
last year belonged to the principals in Diasonics, Inc., of
Milpitas, CA, makers of diagnostic imaging equipment. The
top three executives and an investor realized paper gains of $ 274
million the day the company went public. Chairman Arthur
Rock's $ 84 million share, while the highest in the health in-
dustry in 1983, was dwarfed by his Silicon Valley neighbor K.
Philip Hwang's stunning $ 520 million instant paper fortune
when his Televideo Systems went public. Nevertheless ven-
ture capitalist Rock's total investments gave him a miminum
net worth of $ 160 million, enough to place him comfortably
on the Forbes 400 richest list for 1983. (Since then Diasonic's
stock has plunged, so he may not make the 1984 list.)
Other new - rich health care entrepreneurs among the Forbes
400 include:
i William Fickling, Jr., founder of the Charter Medical
Corporation of Macon, GA, a hospital management com-
pany (estimated minimum worth: $ 140 million)
* Dermatologist - inventor Philip Frost, co founder -
of Key
Pharmaceuticals (estimated minimum worth: $ 150
million)
* Frost's partner, Michael Jaharis, Jr. (estimated minimum
worth: $ 125 million)
* Medical school dropout turned Mormon missionary
James Sorenson. His medical device company was
bought by Abbott Labs in 1980 for $ 100 million (estimated
minimum worth 1983: $ 200 million)
* Edwin Whitehead of Greenwich, CT, principal owner of
Technicon Corporation, specializing in blood analyzers
(estimated minimum worth: $ 150)
i Ewing Kauffman of Kansas City, MO, a former pharma-
ceutical sales representative made his Marion Labora-
tories into a millionaire manufacturer. Kauffman claims
that stock sharing -
in the firm, which specializes in
marketing foreign drugs and doing research necessary to
win Food and Drug Administration approvals, has
transformed 62 employees into millionaires. He has also
created several baseball millionaires, since his 26 percent
share of Marion has enabled him to buy 51 percent of the
Kansas City Royals (his estirnated minimum worth: $ 160
million)
* David Shakarian, whose father was the first yogurt im-
porter in the U.S., built the immensely profitable General
Nutrition Corporation. GNC owns a chain of large health
food stores, whose stock includes many products under
the company's own label (Shakarian's estimated minimum
worth: $ 530 million)
* Arthur Jones, inventor of the Nautilus machines, is
another beneficiary of the recent obsession with nutri-
tion and fitness (estimated minimum worth: $ 125 million)
These new centimillionaires have joined older health - rich
on the Forbes 400 list. E. Claiborne Robins, Sr. is patriarch
of the family which prospered from the A.H. Robins Com-
pany and now has assets whose minimum value is estimated
at $ 235 million. (E. Claiborne Robins, Jr., current head of the
company, took a relatively modest $ 378,000 salary in 1983.)
Close behind comes the Richardson family of Richardson-
Merrell (formerly Richardson - Vicks), with assets valued at over
$ 220 million.
Even the most successful of the new rich have a long way
to go to match the Searle family of Chicago, whose holdings
are thought to be worth over $ 930 million. However with health
care expenditures currently topping $ 1 billion a day and ris-
ing rapidly, it is reasonable to assume that the first health
billionaire will soon appear.
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20
Health / PAC Bulletin
OSHA Under Fire
by David Kotelchuck
The
The breath of scandal has suddenly hit the Occupational
Safety and Health Administration - hard. After three and
one half years of seeming invulnerability to criticism for pro-
corporate bias, OSHA now finds itself charged with not one
or two, but four malefactions, ranging through conflict of in-
terest, old fashioned -
favoritism, political coverup, and human
experimentation.
Auchter Under Investigation
Potentially the most serious case involves a charge of con-
flict of interest against former OSHA director Thorne Auchter,
now being examined by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
On March 30, 1984 Auchter resigned as head of OSHA to
become President of B. B. Andersen Companies of Kansas Ci-
ty. Earlier he had dismissed a series of twelve OSHA viola-
tions against this same company, including ten serious and two
willful violations, with fines totalling $ 12,600.
At the time, in 1981, Auchter and his assistants had taken
an active personal role in the case, according to Vernon
Strahm, former OSHA regional director in Kansas City.
Strahm says he was questioned by the FBI on the matter. It is
against the law for a federal employee to accept anything of
value in return for performing federal duties.
Strahm remembers the case well, since he believes his hand-
ling of it cost him his job. When he was OSHA regional direc-
tor two of his inspectors went to look at B. B. Andersen Con-
struction Company under court warrant, since company of-
ficials had previously refused to let them in. Originally OSHA
wasn't supposed to inspect the plant since it did not come under
the agency guidelines of belonging to a high hazard -
industry.
Strahm was verbally reprimanded for his handling of the case
by three top national OSHA officials, including Mark Cowan,
then Auchter's deputy assistant.
Later he was given a poor job performance evaluation - he
had previously received good ones - and resigned rather than
accept demotion.
Andersen, like Auchter, had been an active fundraiser in
Ronald Reagan's 1980 presidential election campaign. Both had
headed companies which were members of national builders
associations. Strahm suspects the two knew each other, and
believes this explains the unusually strong reprimand he
received from the top for conducting an unscheduled
investigation.
David Kotelchuck is a specialist in occupational safety and
health and a member of the Health / PAC Board.
Rotten to the Coors
Another OSHA regional administrator also charged that he
was demoted for investigating an Administration favorite. Cur-
tis Foster, formerly administrator of the Denver office, got a
personal phone call from Thorne Auchter dressing him down
for allowing OSHA inspections of two porcelain plants own-
ed by Joseph Coors of Denver, the arch conservative -
personal
friend of, and fundraiser for, Ronald Reagan. Coors Beer is
on labor's boycott list because of the company's notorious
union busting - record.
The plants had earlier been removed from the top priority
inspection list by Washington OSHA officials. According to
Foster, Auchter was " quite vocal " when he called, and told him
" you need a situation like this like you need a hole in the head. "
This was " an unusual response for a minor foul - up, " the
regional administrator commented.
Soon after the inspections, Foster was demoted. He also
chose to resign. His story was reported recently at Congres-
sional hearings held by Rep. Obey (WI D -).
Thorne Auchter's deputy, Mark Cowan, flew to Denver right
after the inspections to meet personally with Coors and other
company officials.
Despite this record, OSHA officials insist that Coor's did
not receive " special treatment " from the Reagan Administra-
tion, and point to ten OSHA inspections of Coors facilities
since 1981. Representative Obey introduced into the hearing
record the results of one of these ten inspections:
A female worker was overcome by fumes while working in
an enclosed space. Two other workers died while trying to
rescue her. OSHA cited Coors for failure to test the air in the
space and to provide approved respirators and proposed a
penalty of $ 810.
" I won't comment, " Obey said, " the record speaks for itself. "
A 34 year old lawyer and former CIA employee, Cowan,
resigned soon after Thorne Auchter did. His new job is chief
executive officer of the Home Builders Association of
Metropolitan Denver.
Shaggy Dog Story
Charges of a political coverup highlight another incident of
alleged illicit contacts between OSHA and industry officials.
During a Congressional investigation of alleged ex parte con-
tacts between Dr. Leonard Vance, OSHA's Director of Health
Standards, and officials of Union Carbide Corporation, Rep.
George Miller (CA D -) subpoenaed Vance's personal meeting
logs. At first Assistant Secretary Auchter declined to honor
the subpoena, saying the logs were personal material, not of-
ficial government records. Under pressure, he relented.
Health / PAC Bulletin
21
Vance then came before the committee and said the logs had
been discarded after his dog vomited on them during a hunt-
ing trip. " We have no reason to doubt the veracity of the story, "
said the OSHA deputy director (now its acting director) Patrick
Tyson.
Human Experimentation in Virginia
The case involving the most immediate and perhaps most
dangerous threat to workers'lives has already received a good
deal of politically embarrassing media coverage. The State of
Virginia's OSHA agency, with the support and encouragement
of federal OSHA, gave Dan River textile company permission
to expose its workers to cotton dust above legal state and
federal limits and to conduct medical experiments on the ex-
posed workers!
Under this ruling, Dan River would have been exempt for
at least six months from provisions of the OSHA cotton dust
standard requiring it to install dust control equipment in ten
of its plants. This would have saved it an estimated $ 7.5 million
in equipment installation costs. Permission for the " test " was
granted under a rarely used provision in the OSHA law which
allows exemptions from standards to permit experiments
designed to " safeguard the health and safety of workers. "
State and national labor leaders protested the OSHA move.
" The Dan River firm has consistently held that brown lung
doesn't exist, " noted Virginia Diamond, a Virginia labor of-
ficial. " Now they have decided to study something they say
doesn't exist. It's clear to us it's just a ploy to avoid installing
engineering controls. "
Lynd
Ward
The study, according to the company, was designed to test
the theory that certain kinds of bacteria which grow on cotton
cause brown lung disease, not the cotton dust itself. Brown lung
is a disabling disease affecting tens of thousands of cotton tex-
tile workers.
To test this theory, the company proposed to let workers in
its plants continue to breathe the same levels of cotton dust as
they have in the past, often above the legal limit. Then medical
scientists chosen by the company would lower bacteria levels
in the workroom air to see if the bacteria, not the dust levels,
are the problem.
The company and OSHA were quick to say that participa-
tion in the study would be " voluntary "; Dan River would pay
each of the 200 workers who signed up $ 25. However any of
them who contracted brown lung as a result would not get any
worker compensation benefits, since Virginia is one of a
number of states which do not cover this disease.
Critics also pointed out that those who do not volunteer "
"
would participate in the " experiment " anyway, since they would
also be breathing in cotton dust at levels above those now per-
mitted anywhere in the U.S.
Federal OSHA became involved in this questionable affair
when Dan River asked it for funding at the same time the com-
pany applied to the Virginia state OSHA for the cotton dust
waiver. Then Director -
Auchter responded that his agency did
not have money to fund the study; he suggested that it would
be more appropriate to seek financing from the National In-
stitute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH), which
conducts research for the federal government. In addition, he
sent a strong letter of support for the proposal to Virginia
OSHA officials, urging them to approve and assist the Dan
River effort.
The OSHA scientific review process for the proposal con-
sisted of Auchter's director of health standards, Dr. Leonard
Vance (see above), showing it briefly to two persons. The first,
OSHA toxicologist Susan Harwood, looked at it " for an hour
or two, " she said later. She wrote a memo calling the study
poorly thought out and lacking in " scientific objectivity. "
" am I concerned about approval for human experimentation, "
she warned, " This should not be used as a vehicle for escap-
ing the compliance deadlines for the cotton dust standards. "
The other reviewer, Dr. Hans Weill, a lung specialist and
an academic associate of the asbestos and textile industries,
approved the proposal. However he now insists that he didn't
know the proposal involved exceeding legal dust level limits.
" Very candidly, I don't think it's ethical to conduct research
under conditions officially rated unsafe for human exposure, "
he said in a recent interview.
Dr. Leonard Vance, who handled the federal review process
for the Dan River proposal and drafted the letter which Thorne
Auchter sent to OSHA officials, was formerly Assistant At-
torney General for the State of Virginia. His boss, then State
Attorney General J. Marshall Coleman, wrote him a letter of
recommendation for his OSHA job. Coleman is now the
lawyer representing Dan River in this OSHA case.
In early July Dan River decided to abandon the experiment,
even though it had won OSHA approval. In announcing this
decision, State Labor Commissioner Eva S. Tiegs said com-
pany officials were " very upset " that news reports on the
controversy were damaging Dan River's public image.
The Real Problem
Republican politicians are nervous and Democrats are elated
by these recent revelations. Scandals and official corruption
influence votes and help the party out of office. But the truth
is, when it comes to scandal, history shows that it's a no win
game for the public throwing -
out one set of Republican
rascals just brings a similar set of Democrats in.
The real scandal of this Administration is its program of open
class warfare. It has presided over the most massive transfer
of wealth from poor and working people to the wealthy and
big corporations in over half a century, lowering the living stan-
dards of tens of millions of American families in the process.
OSHA's scandals are just a small part of its frontal attack on
the U.S. labor movement, from the brutal handling of the
PATCO air traffic controllers strike to thousands of govern-
ment rulings, regulations, budget allocations, and subtle and
not so subtle public statements. Most of this is legal, but it
would be hard to call it justice.
O
22
Health / PAC Bulletin
CATCH - 22
How Budget Cuts Can Lead to
Throwing the Baby Out with the Bathwater
by Odunde Kuzaliwa
Somet
ometimes the health care cutbacks of recent years have
swept away entire programs, leaving an obvious wake of
devastation. More commonly, however, the reductions erode;
the effects may or may not be visible, may be immediate or
may become evident only over time.
CATCH, Comprehensive Approach to Community Health,
falls in the latter group. It was established in 1967 at the Jewish
Hospital and Medical Center under a federal grant, a small
beachhead in the War on Poverty. Designed on the maternal
and child care model popular at the time, it offered its Crown
Heights Stuyvesant - Bedford -
community a full range of free
services- health assessment, lab tests, standard immuniza-
tions, full dental services.
Until the 1982-83 budget cuts there was a comprehensive
mental health staff of six. That is now entirely gone. Some of
the patients were referred to the mental health center at the
hospital (now merged with St. John's and called the Interfaith
Medical Center) for followup care.
An Adult Service with an internist and a nurse team was
established in 1971-72. That too has been eliminated. Other pro-
grams have lost staff, increasing the strain on those who remain
and reducing services. My own experience has been in the
ancillary services, where the cuts have been less noticeable
from the outside, but crippling.
Originally the clinic had a community organizer position;
before my arrival the designation had been changed to family
health worker. When I first joined the staff outreach was not
a problem: the program sold itself. We did have a small pamph-
let and a one page flyer describing the program, but most of
our new patients came through word of mouth. Our promises
that " In CATCH you have your own doctor, " and " You can get
everything done in one clinic " were powerful draws in com-
bination with our reputation for courtesy and efficiency.
The primary outreach task has been ensuring that patients
returned for important medical / dental and supportive followup.
Often this has involved finding out why the patient missed an
appointment. It has meant acting as the patients'ombuds-
person, their voice at the clinic. Many times it has required.
detective work: the clinic has always had a policy of continu-
Odunde Kuzaliwa has been the family health worker at the
CATCH program in the Crown Heights Stuyvesant - Bedford -
section of Brooklyn since 1973.
ing care even if a family moves outside our catchment area,
and often I have had to locate patients through schools, welfare
centers, building supers, and former neighbors.
Since many of our families have no phones and limited mail
service, home visits have often been the only way, and are cer-
tainly the best way, of establishing a relationship with many
patients who have not come in on schedule. In the early years
these visits took up a major portion of my time.
.
All this changed with the budget cuts. Fees were instituted
in response to government guidelines, and the clinic began to
develop a " pay or die " reputation. As the staff was cut my
clerical assistant was reassigned; the routine daily work of
reviewing charts and sending broken appointment letters
ceased. When the staff was cut further I became the registrar.
Reminder notices were no longer sent out, even though
checkups are often scheduled six months or more in advance.
Perhaps worst of all, there was no time for home visits. This
shattered a crucial link with our patients. On these visits
parents had often explained that the clinic appointments their
children had been given were inconvenient or conflicted with
an appointment at another agency. Sometimes they complained
about aspects of the program or " attitudes " of certain doctors,
nurses, or other staff members.
Obviously it's the families that require that little extra en-
couragement and concern from an " establishment " health care
center that lose out. And the center loses them, to a Medicaid
mill or some other service that may not offer the comprehen-
sive care our program provides. Without this kind of outreach
the center also loses a built - in critical resource. Who can bet-
ter evaluate the effectiveness of our programs than the families
who use them?
Home visits are also vital in detecting the social origins of
disease. In the past year we have rearranged our staff assign-
ments so that I once again have time for some, though not
nearly so many as before. In one recent case, a doctor at the
clinic asked me to check on a young child who had been com-
ing in frequently this winter for colds and fever. When I got
to his apartment it was freezing - there was no heat, no hot
water, and a living room window had a hole in it. In another
case, the doctor had noted a high lead level. I found the apart-
ment clean but barren. It obviously hadn't been painted for
continued on page 29
Health / PAC Bulletin
23
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Health / PAC Bulletin
Media
Scan
Code Gray. 26 minutes, Fanlight Pro-
ductions, Jamaica Plain, MA. Directed
by Dan Achtenberg and Joan Sawyer.
$ 45 rental (16 mm. only); purchase $ 480
(16 mm.), $ 420 (videotape).
by Sarah Forman
Code Gray is a well put together -
26 minute -
film that attempts to examine
ethical questions in nursing. The scenes
are very real, and the frustration and
pain felt by both nurses and patients
comes across powerfully. Artistically,
the visuals and the music are arresting
from start to finish.
Obviously produced with classroom
discussion in mind, it makes no attempt
to answer the dilemmas it poses. Prob-
ably its creators see it as part of the broad
effort to inject a greater awareness of
real - life problems into nursing
-
academia.
This it does on one level, but ultimate-
ly it may be contributing to the inac-
curate and elitist view of their future
which students have all too often receiv-
ed in nursing school. All the institutions
shown in the film are relatively well - off.
The nurses are almost all white and
primarily young. They have time for pa-
tient conferences. Far from pleading and
arguing with doctors to consider their
viewpoint on whether, for example, an
infant should be fed, they seem to play
a largely autonomous role in patient
care. They have meetings with nursing
consultants and ethicists.
Some of us work in such settings.
Most of us do not. If Code Gray had
chosen at least a couple of more down-
to earth -
settings, the student viewer
would get a more realistic sense of the
context of nursing dilemmas, and the
viewer with nursing experience would be
better able to identify with the questions
it poses.
The film is divided into four patient
care situations designed to illustrate four
principles: beneficence, autonomy,
justice, and fidelity. This philosophical
framework may or may not be helpful to
the average nursing student, but in any
case the emphasis on ethics in specific
situations provides a clarity which
obscures a broader problem.
The questions raised are, Should the
retarded, abandoned baby be fed by ar-
tificial means? Should the nursing home
resident who often falls be tied to her
chair? Who gets transferred out of an
ICU when there are more critical pa-
tients than beds? Whose needs come
first, the patient's or the family's?
Yes, all of these situations occur in pa-
tient care. Decisions must be made
when, often, no choice is good. But the
film does not explain that the major
ethical decisions that created many of
these situations have already been
made and not by nurses, although they
are the ones usually left holding the bag
at the bedside.
" It's true that nurses need to deal with
ethical issues, " commented one ex-
perienced nurse after we saw the film,
" But not in a vacuum like this. " What ir-
ritated her was the absence of the ethics
of the social context in which the nurses '
dilemmas were born. What social pro-
blems contribute to infant retardation?
What situations cause mothers to give
babies up to the state? What prevents a
hospital from providing more ICU beds
or, more importantly, more staff? How
does the health care system become
devoted to high - tech intervention for the
few rather than preventive care for the
many? What are the human and financial
costs of this kind of health care and who
pays them?
Ultimately these are the ethical ques-
tions (one might rather say political
questions) with which nurses must
become involved. True, even in a perfect
system unwelcome choices would arise,
and nurses will always need to learn how
to face ethical dilemmas, but Code Gray
examines several of the trees without
looking up to see the forest we're stumbl-
ing through now.
i}
Sarah Forman is a nurse in a New York
hospital and a member of Nurses
Network.
The Second Sickness: Contradictions of
Capitalist Health Care. New York &
London, The Free Press, 1983.
by Georganne Chapin
Howard Waitzkin, physician, sociolo-
gist, and concerned human being, has
synthesized the diverse perspectives of
his life into an analysis of health and
medicine in the United States. While not
a history, his book uses a historical
materialist approach to effectively ham-
mer home the thesis that the American
health care system can only be under-
stood in relation to the nation's political
and economic system; problems within
the health system emerge from and rein-
force larger contradictions in society;
and incremental reforms will have little
impact in the absence of basic change in
the social order.
The author took his title from a pas-
sage by Norman Bethune, a Canadian
surgeon who served the Chinese Com-
munist liberation forces. Commenting
on the two diseases he had contracted,
Bethune contrasted tuberculosis, whose
cause and cure were known and specific,
to the " second sickness'which he " caught
from no one and from everything... I
got it as a boy, as a man, as a doctor. It
was much worse than tuberculosis...
And many of the things I saw as a doc-
tor only made it worse. " Bethune goes on
to state that the turning point in his af-
fliction with this second sickness came
only after he " came to understand that
tuberculosis was not merely a disease of
the body but a social crime. "
Waitzkin's goal is to describe, in a
systematic and readable fashion, the
" social crimes " that account for the
special configurations of health, illness,
and medical care in our society.
Part One, " Medicine, Social Structure,
and Social Pathology, " the most theoreti-
cal section of the book, is an attempt to
explain health care and illness in the
United States in terms of our current
social structure. Chapter One sketches a
number of contradictions which interfere
with health and, indeed, perpetuate ill-
ness among large sectors of the
population.
One of these is the frequent contradic-
tion between profit and safety. Waitzkin
offers three examples, liver cancer
among plastics workers; lung disease
Health / PAC Bulletin
25
among asbestos workers; and " farm-
worker's back, " the debilitating arthritic
condition common among migrant la-
borers forced to till the fields with a short
hoe - a tool whose sole advantage is that
it allows a foreman to tell by the laborer's
posture whether he or she is working or
not.
Another contradiction he explores is
that between plentiful resources and the
maldistribution of health workers
(especially physicians) and facilities.
Here again, a number of examples em-
phasize the potentially tragic conse-
quences of inadequate access to even the
most basic health services. Waitzkin
reminds us that social values which pro-
mulgate these inequities, such as the
freedom of physicians to choose where
they will practice, are class linked -
; he
then goes on to present characteristics of
a system in which the poor would be
" free " to obtain care.
Rising health care costs and diminish-
ing returns, according to traditional
health status indicators, comprise a third
area of contradiction. Waitzkin presents
a number of well known -
facts - for ex-
ample, that falling infectious disease
rates preceded the discovery of anti-
biotics, and that poor people suffer from
simple infections, poor nutrition, and in-
fant mortality at higher rates than their
wealthier counterparts. Although he
notes medicine's limited impact on the
health status of large populations, Waitz-
kin eschews Ivan Illich's medical
nihilism, and stresses the need for basic,
simple services such as prenatal care for
poor mothers, noting (another contradic-
tion) that even following such " mundane "
practices might be " quite complex from
the standpoint of the capitalist social
system. "
Technological progress in medicine,
he argues, is part of still another con-
tradiction, since it leaches humanism
from contemporary American health
care. The effects extend from the de-
emphasis of caregiving and emphasis on
cure to alienation within the medical care
setting itself, as health care workers are
increasingly de skilled -.
Finally, Waitzkin makes a distinction
between " reformist " and " nonreformist "
reforms. Sounding a theme that will
recur throughout the book, he cautions
that under capitalism " the quest for pro-
gressive change... is often quite difficult
because reform can slide into reformism.
That is, improved material circum-
stances may seem beneficial but ulti-
mately may reinforce the status quo by
reducing the potential for social conflict. "
The question then becomes how we can
address the inequities in health and in the
distribution of services in such a way as
to effect deep, lasting changes in the
system which fostered these inequities.
The second chapter, " Social Structures
of Medical Oppression, " is essentially a
review of contemporary Marxist health
scholarship, setting out themes elabor-
ated in subsequent chapters.
These themes include:
* class structure - control over health in-
stitutions, stratification within these
institutions, occupational mobility into
professional positions
* monopoly capital growth - growth of medical
centers, finance capital, the medical-
industrial complex
i the state- its functions in legitimating
the system and alleviating discontent,
the private - public contradiction
* medical ideology - which views
disease as a mechanistic, individual
process and science as a vehicle for ra-
tional control of human beings, the ex-
pansion of medical management into
many spheres of life, the excellence and
esotericism of medical science.
Waitzkin then offers cross national -
comparisons of health reforms, initiated
under capitalist, imperialist, and
socialist systems, as well as some recent
.
findings on the health effects of
economic cycles, stress, work profit /
,
racism and sexism.
Anyone who hasn't made it through the
original writings of the major historical
materialist theorists in medicine will find
the third chapter's discussion of the con-
tributions of Friedrich Engels, Rudolf
Virchow, and Salvador Allende useful.
For those of us who know of Allende
principally for his tragically shortlived
presidency in Chile, Waitzkin's review of
his earlier contributions to Marxist
scholarship has particular value; they
came within the context of imperialist
expansionism and underdevelopment,
and thus remain pertinent to current
struggles for social and economic equal-
ity in the Third World.
Engels, Virchow, and Allende were
quite distinct in their theoretical em-
phases; most critically, as Waitzkin
points out, they differed over the still
unresolved question of what the proper
strategic balance should be between
reformist and revolutionary alternatives.
In Part Two, entitled " Problems in
Contemporary Health Care, " the author
gets down to brass tacks with examples
from medical technology, community
medicine, and physician - patient interac-
tions which remove any lingering doubts
we might have about the presence of
malignancies in the current system.
Chapter Four returns to contradictions
previously outlined- those posed by
technology, health care costs, and private
profit. Waitzkin focuses on coronary in-
tensive care units (CCU's) as an exam-
ple of health policy that makes sense only
from the standpoint of profit under cap-
italism, since their proliferation is ab-
solutely irrational from the standpoint of
health and well being -
. The generally
held assumption that CCU's reduce mor-
bidity and mortality from heart attacks
is not supported by any clear evidence.
As Waitzkin shows, not one randomiz-
ed controlled clinical trial on their effec-
tiveness has been conducted. Widely
cited estimates in the literature that
CCU's can prevent 45,000 deaths per
year are based on the impressionistic
data of one Kansas City cardiologist; his
research was supported by a foundation
whose board was saturated with bankers
and corporate executives. Later studies
in Great Britain and elsewhere indicate
that victims of acute myocardial infarc-
tions might be as well or better off in
home settings as in a hospital CCU.
Rejecting the argument that high tech-
nology is blithely accepted in medical
circles, Waitzkin points out that major
actors in the development of CCU tech-
nology include several large corpora-
tions (among them Warner Lambert -
and
Hewlett Packard -)
, academic medical
centers, private philanthropies, and the
government itself; he argues that policy
evaluation and decision - making based on
cost effectiveness -
and cost containment
actually obscure the most fundamental
motive in the expansion of health care
technology - profit.
Chapter Five, " Social Medicine and
the Community, " explores private
medical expansion, the contraction of the
public health care sector, and alternative
systems - particularly community
clinics. Focusing largely on urban areas,
Waitzkin points out the cruel ironies of
hospital expansion (coupled with other
commercial urban renewal removal /
ef-
forts) into working- and lower - class
neighborhoods. He notes that this
growth of private medical facilities is
26
Health / PAC Bulletin
often subsidized by the public sector
(through Medicare and Medicaid reim-
bursements, federal funds for hospital
construction, and tax exemptions, etc.)
but their services are often inaccessible
to people in the surrounding or displaced
community. The shrinking public sec-
tor is, in turn, increasingly less able to
accommodate these patients.
In both the type of services they pro-
vide and their accessibility, community
clinics, whose recent history goes back
to the social turmoil of the 1960's, have
provided sharp contrasts to large hos-
pitals and private practice. Unfortunate-
ly, despite its 1983 publication date The
Second Sickness is already outdated in its
discussion of the numerous and chronic
problems that clinics have faced as a
result of their orientation toward social
medicine and community services.
At this point the Reagan Administra-
tion's attacks and cutbacks are causing
many of them to retreat from their prac-
tice of social medicine to the point where
they provide little more than traditional
public health services such as vaccina-
tions and well baby - care. In short, com-
munity clinics suffer from the same
problems as the social and economic
system in which they operate. In addi-
tion, despite the difference they can
make in individual lives and specific
communities, community clinics do not
achieve the goal of a unified health
system.
Waitzkin argues that the principle
political virtue of community clinics is
their potential as a vehicle for commuri-
ity development and social change, often
beginning with community / worker con-
trol of the clinics themselves.
The introduction to Chapter Six, " The
Micropolitics of the Doctor - Patient Rela-
tionship, " is an interesting, readable
review of the issues of medical ideology
and social control. Waitzkin is at his best
integrating the ideas of Gramsci, Althus-
ser, Habermas, and other Marxist
scholars into a historical materialist
perspective of medicine. After criticiz-
ing mainstream research on doctor-
patient relationships as atheoretical and
lacking historical and social content, he
attempts to apply the Marxist theories to
three encounters (presented in excruci-
atingly complete transcripts) between
patients and their physicians.
These encounters, he argues, are ex-
amples of " The medicalization of social
problems. " The physicians represent,
respectively, " medicine's social control
over labor and the transmission of ideo-
logic messages about work " (the patient
is a middleaged man with heart trouble),
reinforcement of " current relations of
economic production " within the family
(the patient here is a woman chronically
disabled by mitral valve insufficiency),
and heavy moralistic messages of self-
control (given by the physician to a
chronic smoker and alcoholic with ter-
rible asthma).
The author's points are well taken -, and
perhaps the detailed content analysis will
be of interest to practitioners who deal
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with patients on a daily basis, but Wait-
zkin's tendency to methodically belabor
his arguments reaches its peak here. He
does redeem himself somewhat in the
chapter's conclusion by addressing a
couple of questions that arise throughout
the analysis: What do we want from doc-
tors anyway? Would social revolution
resolve the ambiguities of medical in-
teraction? Toward what kind of relation-
ship between doctors and patients are we
aiming?
Evidence from socialist and Commu-
nist countries shows that contradictions
in the physician - patient relationship per-
sist under these systems; what occurs
under capitalism in service to profit may
be found in socialism in service to
production.
The chapter concludes with an enu-
meration of several goals for a nonrefor-
mist relationship. First, the " domination,
mystification, and distorted communica-
tion that result from asymmetrical tech-
nical knowledge " must be overcome on
both sides. Second, a conscious attempt
must be made to prevent medicine's sym-
bolism from extending to nonmedical
spheres. Finally, the social roots of
personal suffering must be analyzed;
physicians should provide technical in-
tervention, but social supports must be
available to care for the patient's social
self. In short, the ideal relationship be-
tween doctors and their patients demands
autonomy and longterm organized ac-
tivism on the part of all concerned.
Waitzkin turns to ways that such goals
might be attained in a section entitled
" Policy, Practice, and Social Change. "
Using the examples of Chile and Cuba,
he emphasizes the link between medi-
cine and social structure.
In the pre Allende -
years, health care
in Chile was a three tiered -
system. The
upper classes patronized private physi-
cians on a fee service - for -
basis; the
middle class relied on SERMENA, the
national health insurance which also
paid doctors fee service - for -
; and lower-
class Chileans, theoretically entitled to
use the national public health service,
were often deprived of care by underfund-
ing and maldistribution of practitioners
and facilities within the system. After he
took office in 1970, Allende's program to
make health services more equitable
paralleled his approach to the reorgani-
zation of other sectors of society in the
context of U.S. interference and Chile's
heavy dependency on foreign currency:
a slow - and, he hoped, non alienating -
-
route to change. Ironically, the strongest
domestic opposition to the president-
physician's policies came from his own
peers in the powerful and highly organiz-
ed private medical sector.
The swiftness and completeness of the
Cuban revolution, on the other hand,
enabled the new government to build a
new health care system from scratch.
Nonetheless, serious problems had to be
confronted - particularly the mass ex-
odus of private medical practitioners and
severe shortages of currency to purchase OE
Health / PAC Bulletin
27
pharmaceuticals and other medical sup-
plies and little capacity to produce them.
The total revamping of the social system,
however, made the necessary structural
changes in health care possible, from
medical education (no longer class-
biased) to more equitable distribution of
services to community - based decision-
making. The enormous advances in the
health status of the Cuban population are
one proof of their success.
The conclusion of Chapter Seven and
the crux of Chapter Eight, " Health
Praxis, Reform, and Political Struggle, "
return to the crucial issue of reform
versus reformism, examining it in the
context of the United States today. Many
leftists are well versed -
, in retrospect, in
the errors committed --
or, perhaps, limi-
tations encountered - by the Allende
government in its aborted movement
toward socialism. Waitzkin bravely asks
the key question, " If the attempt to
achieve nonreformist reform and peace-
ful transition failed in Chile, what are its
chances in advanced capitalist nations
like the United States where political
power, economic resources, and military
-
strength of those opposed to structural
change are even more extensive? "
He does not provide a definitive
answer to this question in his final
discussion of progressive health praxis.
He does, however, offer a critique of
some of the policies and strategies which
have been proposed. Illich and other
" new reductionists " are criticized as in-
sensitive to class inequalities in illness
and health care, as too narrowly focus-
ed on the role and responsibility of the
individual, and therefore as legitimizers
of current trends toward cutbacks in
publicly funded health programs. Na-
tional health insurance, health mainten-
ance organizations, prepaid group prac-
tice, and professional standards review
organizations come under attack as " re-
formist reforms " that do not entail chang-
ing the overall structure of the health care
system.
Like his discussion of community
clinics, Waitzkin's material on current
systems of finance is unfortunately
already outdated. Changes underway,
such as prospective reimbursement and
the advent of diagnostic - related groups
(DRG's) could affect the organization of
care much more dramatically than pre-
viously utilized fee service - for -
reim-
bursement systems have.
Waitzkin's forecast of the uncertain
climate for a national health service, on
the other hand, is relatively up to date,
due to the lack of forward movement on
that front. His position on it, however,
is confusing. While he praises a system
such as the one called for in the Dellums
bill as a " nonreformist reform, " he
acknowledges that it is unlikely that any
national health service can avoid falling
into reformism under advanced capital-
ism. All the countries in which an NHS
has succeeded have socialist economies,
he notes, and the case of Great Britain
demonstrates how " an NHS within a
capitalist society... can contain elements
of reformist reform such as its effects in
reducing the militancy of labor. " The key
to ensuring that an NHS becomes a true
reform lies in its implementation as a
" bottom up " phenomenon, he argues.
The problem of achieving such goals in
a class stratified -
, capitalist society has
long plagued the left.
The book concludes by outlining goals
activists should raise in their work to
achieve fundamental changes in the
system. No one reading The Second
Sickness is likely to argue against any of
them: demystification of medicine; link-
age of the alternative health movement
to broader activism; bans on indiscrimi-
nate drug testing in the Third World and
the excessive promotion of drugs and in-
fant formula there; improved occupa-
tional safety and health; and so on. More
generally, he tells us that we must oppose
the " new " right, racism, and processes
that threaten to degrade the physical en-
vironment beyond repair if we are to
have a world worth working for at all.
The heart of effecting change in any of
these areas lies in hard work, commit-
ment, and mass organization. And we
now have the opportunity to take advan-
tage of the crises that advanced capital-
ism generates.
Waitzkin is correct, and it's unfor-
tunate that people who don't already
agree with books like this mostly don't
read them. The analysis is largely done;
what we need now is the impetus and
direction for the work.
O
Georganne Chapin is a doctoral student
in the Division of Sociomedical Sciences
Program at Columbia University and
employed at the ERIC Clearinghouse on
Urban Education.
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computer services
to Health / PAC.
28
Health / PAC Bulletin
continued from page 6
late last year has left a trail of
unanswered questions.
Marketed by VLI Corporation of Cali-
fornia, the polyurethane " Today " sponge
has been assailed by a number of
consumer and other groups. The
Associated Pharmacologists and Toxi-
cologists, a national professional group,
charges that VLI's product is potentially
carcinogenic. According to APT presi-
dent Dr. Armand Lione, contrary to the
FDA's own guidelines for intravaginal
drugs there was no long term -
animal
testing of the effects of the polyurethane
or the heavy dose of spermicide in the
sponge.
Judy Braiman - Lipson, president of the
Empire State Consumers Association in
New York, has pointed out that the
federal government's Centers for Disease
Control in Atlanta has recorded several
cases of toxic shock syndrome seemingly
associated with the sponge, and notes
that it was tested on only 2,000 women
prior to approval. There are other com-
plaints as well. The sponge has been
found to shred in the body; small pieces
of polyurethane then sometimes work
their way up through the cervix into the
uterus. The effects of this have not been
studied. The high concentration of sper-
micide in the sponge has caused irrita-
tion, both for the women and her part-
ner, in a number of cases. This un-
precedented dose of the spermicide
Nonoxynol - 9 has never been tested for
toxicity by the FDA.
Moral Fibers
The Occupational Safety and Health
Administration held hearings in June as
part of its process of determining if the
maximum standard for asbestos ex-
posure should be reduced to 500,000
fibers per cubic meter of air or 200,000.
Workers, unions, and occupational
health specialists have long complained
that the current two million fiber stan-
dard has permitted numerous easily
avoidable cancers and respiratory
diseases.
OSHA's own analysis says that the dif-
ference in cost to employers for meeting
the 200,000 fiber standard rather than the
500,000 is marginal- $ 68 million ini-
tially and almost 56 $ million annually
versus $ 66 million initially and more
than $ 53 million annually.
The difference to workers, however,
could be substantial, even if we follow
the current administration's policy of ig-
noring humanity in imposing regulations
and concentrating on " effectiveness cost -.
"
According to a Mt. Sinai study as part
of its asbestos - related disease assessment
project (see " Breath of Death, " Bulletin,
May June - 1983), for deceased insulation
workers who succumbed to asbestos-
related disease the " social cost " (primar-
ily lost output) averaged $ 346,000 and
the " private cost " (primarily lost spend-
able income) averaged $ 163,000. At this
rate, if the stricter standard saves seven
lives a year it will be cost effective -
for
society as a whole, although not for the
individual companies. In all probability,
the number of lives saved, not to say non-
fatal diseases (also very costly) avoided
would be far greater.
OSHA's decision may be that a small
corporate saving is preferable to a large
public saving, although election - year
calculations might well allow lives to
prevail this time.
O
continued from page 23
years; lead based -
paint and plaster were peeling and falling
all over.
In both these instances I talked to the mother (a large number
of families in this community are headed by single black
women, who are often under such pressures that they are par-
ticularly vulnerable to exploitation by slumlords and others).
The visit enabled me to suggest ways of putting pressure on
the landlords, such as withholding rent and initiating court ac-
tion, to get repairs made. I was also able to make appropriate
referrals to our program's social service for immediate in-
tervention, and to document what I had seen for the social
worker as well as the doctor and nurse. I could reschedule the
children's appointments and follow up to see that they were
kept, and that the needed assistance had been obtained. Most
importantly, I was able to urge the parent to inform the doc-
tor, the nurse, and the social service department about prob-
lems that are directly or indirectly health related, and to be
persistent in exercising their rights as health consumers.
Without such visits, a clinic like ours was inevitably on a
downward spiral. Patients could not be adequately treated
when their environment was ignored. The number of missed
appointments soared, and the clinic responded by overschedul-
ing. Unscheduled " walk - in " visits increased. Waiting times
grew longer, and more patients became discouraged and stop-
ped coming or keeping appointments.
In retrospect, it is clear that the clinic's assumption was that
the families needed us and they would continue coming in spite
of poor service or difficulties in keeping appointments. In fact,
even from the business perspective increasingly adopted in
reponse to the budget cuts, we needed them. Our jobs, indeed
the survival of the program, depended on families choosing
our type of health care over the " competition " offered by
numerous local " Medicaid mills " and the hospital's outpatient
pediatric clinic one flight downstairs from us - a lifestyle of
crisis oriented care congenial to many which gave a lot of
business to the hospital emergency room.
The clinic is now attempting, within its severe budget con-
straints, to reverse this process. In conjunction with the
reinstitution of home visits the staff gives regular attention to
patient complaints. Families are routinely informed of the
clinic's policy of allowing them to switch doctor / nurse teams.
A free care category has been re established -
and the program
is attempting to reduce or eliminate lab fees and pharmacy
charges. Waiting time is still a problem, but TV's have been
installed in the outpatient department.
Even with these improvements, the CATCH program must
still find solutions to its long term problems which will per-
mit it to survive with its original goals at least somewhat met. Y'
Health / PAC Bulletin
29
Bulletin Board
Open Doors
Sourcebook on Lesbian / Gay Health Care is the
first national publication devoted to both the issue of ac-
cess for its constituents and a listing of services available
to them. Included are essays on gay and lesbian health
problems, abstracts or presentations at the First Inter-
national Lesbian / Gay Health Conference (held in New
York this June), listings of appropriate care providers
and organizations. Copies are $ 10. Checks should be
made out to the National Gay Health Education Foun-
dation or the Health Fund and sent to PO Box 784, New
York, NY 10036.
Salud
Links, a new publication of the Central American
Health Rights Network / East Coast, offers news and
analysis you won't find in any other single source, if you
find it elsewhere at all. An indispensable newsletter for
any activist concerned with health rights in Central
America. Subscriptions are $ 10 for individuals, $ 25 for
institutions, and $ 40 for sustainers. Make checks payable
to the Committee for Medical Aid to El Salvador-
Links, and mail them to PO. Box 407, Audubon Station,
New York, NY 10032.
Great Speckled Phoenix
Contrary to widely - held belief, Atlanta's foremost
underground institution is not its subway, but the Great
Speckled Bird, alive once again after a lapse of several
years. Anyone interested in Southern politics will want
to send a $ 12 check made out to Atlanta Progressive
Media Foundation and mail it to The Bird, P.O. Box
4532, Atlanta, GA 30302.
Films and Videotapes
Tell Them I'm a Mermaid is an entertaining musical-
theatre presentation starring seven women with
disabilities. They tell what it means and doesn't mean,
and how they lead happy, productive lives. Shown on
television in December 1983, and available on either 16
mm. film or on tape for rental of $ 100 a week. Write Em-
bassy Telecommunications, 1901 Avenue of the Stars.
Los Angeles, CA 90067. Att. Andy Kaplan.
Caring for Aged Parents is a new documentary - style
film which raises questions without trying to provide
definitive answers. Rental is $ 45, purchase is $ 475, from
Terra Nova Films, Inc., 17832 67th Ave., Tinley Park,
IL 60477.
Paychecks and Promises: The Impacts of Economic
Development provides a hard - hitting expose of how job
creation can also mean disease creation, as well as anti-
union, low - wage companies. Based on case studies in
North Carolina, this 32 - minute videotape shows all the
dangers. Music by Sweet Honey in the Rock (anyone at
our annual dinner can testify to how wonderful they are).
Available in 3/4 " and 1/2 " for non - profits and unions
(rental $ 35, purchase $ 75) and other institutions ($ 50
rental, $ 125 purchase) from NCOSH, PO. Box 2514,
Durham, NC 27705.
Untimely Ripped
" Childbirth has been taken away from women, " is the
starting point for the Cesarean Prevention Movement's
founder, Esther Booth Zorn, " It is incredible that there
should be so much pain over something that should be
so happy. " The three year old CPM now has chapters in
many parts of the country which hold forums, maintain
lending libraries, conduct hospital surveys, and offer
vaginal birth after cesarean (VBAC) classes. Its quarterly
newsletter has a circulation of 4000. For more informa-
tion, write Cesarean Prevention Movement, PO Box
152, University Station, Syracuse, NY 13210.
Imported Goods
Nicaraguan pure arabica coffee is now available in the
New York area for $ 3 a bag ($ 5 a bag for supporters),
$ 60 a case when payment is enclosed. Write to Adelante
Trading, Inc., P.O. Box 1563, New York, NY 10025,
Virtually everything else you'd want from Nicaragua.
including records, handicrafts, films, videotapes,
magazines, newspapers (including Barricada's English
edition), and books, is available from the newly - opened
New Society Products, 853 Broadway, Suite 1105, New
York, NY 10003. Tel. (212) 254-0853.
30
Health / PAC Bulletin
Body English
The Last Word On Sleep
by
Arthur A. Levin
It is one thing to have self inflicted -
sleep problems, but quite another when
it is a bedmate's problem, and your sleep
that suffers. The subject of many comedy
skits, snoring can be a persistent, annoy-
ing problem to snorer and listeners, and
in some cases can signify serious health
problems. Sleep experts question how
annoying to others snoring really is, and
point to the ease with which most of us
adapt to the urban cacophony of grinding
garbage trucks, screeching car brakes,
shrill sirens, and piercing screams - or
in the country, to crooning owls, bark-
ing dogs, chirping crickets and croaking
basso bull frogs - as support for their
argument that it is those who already
have their own sleep problems that are
most affected by someone else's snorts
and grunts.
Most snoring is intermittent and
without medical significance, but for
those who snore all night, most nights,
it can indicate a shortage of oxygen that
may lead to fatigue, or even cardio-
vascular or neurological problems. Less
often, chronic snoring may mean the
person is suffering sleep apnea - a poten-
tially fatal problem where the person ac-
tually stops breathing for a short time
and then resumes vibrant snoring and
vigorous tossing.
Sleep apnea can result in high blood
pressure, arrhythmias (abnormal heart
rhythms), and heart strains. Nine out of
ten people with sleep apnea are male,
and most are obese. It can be corrected
by weight loss or a variety of medical and
surgical interventions, ranging from an-
tidepressant drugs to a tracheotomy (a
surgically formed breathing hole in the
windpipe). The latter is performed to
prevent the complication, inevitably
fatal, of not breathing for a long period
of time.
Some experts who have studied snor-
ing believe that it may occur when nasal
passages are blocked, since most of us
breath through our nose when asleep.
Their suggested remedies include use of
mainstream medicines such as sprays
and decongestant drugs. Physical prob-
lems such as a deviated septum may re-
quire surgical correction. Before rushing
to drugs and surgery, however, it's worth
trying to make sure you sleep on your
side (the position least conducive to
snoring) or propped up by pillows, stop
smoking, and avoid substantial food and
alcohol intake in the evening.
Strange as it may seem, recent
evidence collected on persons attending
sleep disorder clinics indicates that the
majority suffer from hypersomnia,
which is excessive daytime sleepiness,
rather than insomnia. While some may
ridicule the person suffering hypersom-
nia, their problem is not a joke and may
put their careers, relationships, and lives
in jeopardy.
The most familiar kind of hypersom-
nia is narcolepsy - falling off into " mini-
sleeps " many times during the day. These
so called -
sleep attacks can occur during
any activity while eating, driving a car,
or even during sex. A typical narcolep-
tic will have 15 to 20 sleep attacks, each
lasting anywhere from a second to 15
minutes during a given day. While exact
numbers are not known, it is estimated
that there are at least several hundred
thousand people in the U.S. with this
condition - although many who have it
are not properly diagnosed and do not
know it.
People who specialize in the care and
treatment of narcoleptics point out that
many exhibit what is termed excessive
daily sleepiness (EDS) or hypersomno-
lence. They emphasize the EDS as well
as sleep attacks should be considered as
symptoms of possible narcolepsy. Nar-
coleptics also often exhibit " cataplexy "
which is a rapidly occurring loss of
voluntary muscle tone (usually occurring
during periods of strong emotions). At
worst, cataplexy can result in an inability
to move or speak.
Narcolepsy usually begins between
the ages of ten and 30; it is rarely seen
in people over 40 without a previous
history. When it occurs in young child-
ren it can be misunderstood and misdiag-
nosed, leading to an extremely difficult
and traumatic life until proper diagnosis
and care is provided.
Unfortunately, little is understood
about the cause of narcolepsy, and treat-
ment is limited to alleviating symptoms
with long term chemotherapy-
stimulants such as Ritalin and Dexedrine
to deal with EDS, and the tricyclic anti-
depressants and monoamine oxidase in-
hibitors (MAOI's) to treat cataplexy. One
booklet published by the American Nar-
colepsy Association contains this
statement:
The challenge for both physician and
patient is to find the lowest possible
dose which is not merely adequate to
maintain marginal functioning, but
which is truly effective: the medica-
tion and dosage which allow the
patient a real improvement in the
quality of their life.
Fortunately, the vast majority of those
who complain of insomnia have a much
milder problem which, though many
don't believe it, is usually easily
remedied with non invasive -
alternatives
to medical treatment. Current research
indicates that the key factor is relaxation,
which can be accomplished by the
following:
* Vigorous exercise. One of the side
benefits of the fitness boom is that
many participants claim they sleep
better and are able to relax more
easily.
* Specific routines such as progressive
relaxation technique, e.g. concen-
trating on one part of the body at a
time.
* Self hypnosis -.
* Biofeedback used in combination with
a program such as progressive
relaxation.
* Correcting poor sleep habits, such as
sleeping late in the morning or taking
naps.
>
Health / PAC Bulletin
31
* Avoiding use of the bedroom for extra-
mattress stimulation, e.g. late TV, stu-
dying, arguments. The room should
be associated with good sleep, sex,
and no other activities.
* If unable to sleep, get out of bed and
engage in some activity in another
room. Do not get back into bed unless
sleepy.
O
Arthur A. Levin is Director of the Center
for Medical Consumers, publisher of
Healthfacts, and a member of the
Health / PAC Board.
Health / PAC
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