Document dYNeezyyGgDdN3e2YnpgkLwqq
Health
Policy
Advisory
Center
No. 55 November 1973
HEALTH / PAC
BULLETIN
THE KAISER PLAN
Editorial: HMO's
When Forbes and Fortune magazines run
successive articles contending that health
maintenance organizations (HMO's) are
" sensible surgery for swelling medical
costs, " we know that big business is in-
terested. When the supermarket magazine
Family Circle publishes a story entitled
" Is There An HMO In Your Future? " we
realize that the official word is spreading
to the American people.
Yet most Americans don't understand
the HMO concept. An HMO is a health
care organization which is intended to
provide comprehensive services to a vol-
untarily enrolled membership at a pre-
paid fixed fee. Usually an HMO is affili-
ated with one or several hospitals. It may
be funded privately, publicly or by a
combination of both; it may be for profit -
or " profit non -.
" Doctors can practice full-
time or part time - within the HMO, and
can be salaried or paid fee service - for -
.
Only three years ago there were 30
HMO's. Today there are over 60 with
eight million subscribers. At least 46 in-
surance companies are participating in or
have " exploratory interest " in operating
63 HMO's. Blue Cross hopes to open 280
by the mid 1980's.
Big business is also joining the band-
wagon: the elite policy forming -
organiza-
tion, the Committee for Economic Devel-
opment representing most American busi-
ness leaders and with considerable clout
on a variety of government policies, en-
dorses HMO's in its April, 1973 report.
Westinghouse is studying the possibility
of starting one in Florida. Texas Instru-
ments is already involved in setting up
one, and Litton Industries wants to give
" seed money " for a number of HMO's.
Connecticut General Life Insurance Com-
pany and the Equitable Life Assurance
Society have made significant commit-
ments to HMO's. Connecticut General's
new subsidiary operates them in New
York, Arizona and Maryland and Equit-
able organized and recruited subscribers
for the Lovelace - Bataan HMO in Albu-
querque.
One of the most successful HMO's is
the Kaiser Permanente -
medical care pro-
gram, a prepaid group practice which has
been operating in California for over 30
years. Kaiser's membership in California,
Portland, Hawaii, Denver and Cleveland
exceeds two and a half million.
Other HMO models have emerged that
are different from Kaiser. Most notable
are the foundations for medical care, cre-
ated by private doctors (See BULLETIN,
February, 1973). A foundation, unlike
Kaiser, is not a visible institution but
simply a mechanism through which paper
and money flow. Care is provided in pri-
vate doctors'offices and hospitals where
the doctors have admitting privileges. Pa-
tients pay insurance companies, insur-
ance companies pay the foundation, and
the foundation pays the doctor or hospital
CONTENTS
4 Kaiser
>
on a fee service - for -
basis.
Prepaid health plans (PHP's), particu-
larly growing out of California's Medicaid
program, are another HMO innovation.
The state pays the PHP a fee for each
Medicaid patient enrolled and the PHP
provides care at its own clinics or at
separate doctors'offices and hospitals
through contracts.
The main success that HMO's can claim
is cost reduction. Kaiser can provide a
package of services at lower cost than
identical services would cost in " main-
stream " medicine. The way in which an
HMO reduces cost is by lowering the use
of services by its members. Kaiser mem-
bers, for example, spend half as many
days in the hospital as a similar popula-
tion of Blue Cross / Blue Shield subscribers.
And the amount of surgery performed by
Kaiser compared to fee service - for -
practice
is distinctly lower.
In the case of hospitalization and sur-
gery, which most Americans are sub-
jected to in dangerous and costly excess,
HMO's can perform a positive service.
But HMO's will also tend to lower the
availability of services that are not pres-
ently performed in excess. At Kaiser, am-
bulatory care is not easily accessible-
large numbers of patients complain of
several week waits for appointments, of
rushed impersonal treatment, and of be-
ing unable to find and keep a personal
physician.
Thus HMO cost reduction goes hand in
hand with a general inaccessibility of
services. The reason for this is the work-
ings of the profit motive. Whether for-
profit or technically " profit non -,
" private
corporations have always committed
themselves to maximizing their income,
reducing their expenditures, and using the
surplus for expansion. The profit incentive
leads private HMO's to limit services by
hiring an inadequate number of physi-
cians and other personnel so that patients
will be discouraged from seeking care.
In this way, expenses go down and sur-
plus goes up.
HMO's, then, take the profit incentive
of fee service - for -
medicine and turn it on
its head. Whereas fee service - for -
doctors
and hospitals make more money by see-
ing more patients, performing more op-
erations and hospitalizing people longer,
HMO's increase their net income by doing
less. Either way the situation can be dele-
terious to people's health.
Besides the conflict between cost reduc-
tion and availability of services, private
HMO's oriented primarily toward their
surplus income are actually unable to cut
costs significantly over the long run. For
equivalent services, Kaiser costs less than
Blue Cross / Blue Shield, but Kaiser's rate
of cost increase is just as great as, or
greater, than the national rate of increase.
Thus HMO cost reduction is a one shot -
af-
fair; if the entire health system switched
next year from fee service - for -
financing to
HMO financing, the costs of care might dip
down, but would then inflate as rapidly as
ever. Within a few years any cost reduc-
tion would be virtually cancelled out.
Again the reason is profit. Each pro-
vider and supplier of service whether -
the
construction company, the manufacturer
of the EKG machine, or the doctor - will
raise prices as fast as possible in order
to make more money.
If HMO's are no long term -
answer to
cost rises, do they solve the other com-
ponents of our health crisis? Here the an-
swer is even simpler - they do not. Even
Published by the Health Policy Advisory Center, 17 Murray Street, New York, N. Y. 10007. Telephone (212) 267-
8890. The Health - PAC BULLETIN is published 8 times per year; January, February, March, April, May, Sept-
tember, October and November. 3 special reports are issued during the year. Yearly subscriptions: $ 5 stu-
dents, $ 7 other individuals, $ 15 institutions. Second - class postage paid at New York, N.Y. Subscriptions,
changes of address and other correspondence should be mailed to the above address. New York staff: Oliver
Fein, Nancy Jervis, David Kotelchuck, Ronda Kotelchuck, Louise Lander and Howard Levy. San Francisco staff:
Elinor Blake, Thomas Bodenheimer, Judy Carnoy. San Francisco office: 558 Capp Street, San Francisco, Cali-
fornia, 94110, Telephone (415) 282-3896- Associates: Robb Burlage, Susan Reverby, Morgantown, West Virginia;
Constance Bloomfield, Desmond Callan, Kenneth Kenneth Kimmerling Kimmerling, Marsha Love, New York City: Vicki Cooper,
Chicago; Barbara Ehrenreich, John Ehrenreich, Long Island. 1973.
2
within HMO's, care will be fragmented as
long as specialists so heavily outweigh
the number of general providers of care.
HMO's can do nothing to attract doctors
and other health personnel to rural and
ghetto areas. HMO's will not open their
doors to people unable to pay. And evi-
dence suggests that even when lower in-
come people are insured, they have a far
harder time getting care from the HMO
than does the middle class.
Finally comes the myth of health main-
tenance - that it's cheaper for an HMO to
prevent disease than to cure it. In the
short run, that's just not true. Annual Pap
smears, breast exams, blood pressure
checks, glaucoma screening and other
valuable early diagnostic procedures cost
money and require more medical person-
nel. The sovings - in reduced numbers of
seriously ill patients - come only many
years later (if then), far beyond the pro-
jections of corporate accountants and
planners. Only with large federal grants
has Kaiser offered multiphasic screening
exams to many of its subscribers, and
with cutbacks in the grants, Kaiser is re-
ducing the screening. In HMO's as within
" mainstream " medicine, acute illness will
always take precedence over preventive
care.
People who believe that HMO's should
be publicly controlled -
and _ service - ori-
ented rather than privately - run and profit-
oriented have two courses of action. They
can try to set up local health plans pub-
licly controlled by the users and em-
ployees. Community groups across the
country are planning or even actually es-
tablishing their own HMO's or PHP's. But
the capital requirements needed to start,
and the enormous time and energy spent
on technical proposals, plans and con-
tracts are almost prohibitive. It is the rare
community that will put together a plan
that it really controls without being in-
debted to a lending institution or a group
of doctors. The alternative is a struggle
for areas of power in private HMO's - for
community positions on the board, for em-
ployee meetings in specific clinics and
hospital wards, and for public airing of
planning documents and financial trans-
actions. In either case, HMO's will in-
creasingly be foci of community and
health worker action in the health system.
STATEMENT REQUIRED BY THE ACT OF AUGUST
12, 1970: SECTION 3685, TITLE 39, UNITED STATES
CODE, SHOWING THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGE-
MENT AND CIRCULATION OF THE HEALTH - PAC
BULLETIN.
1. Title of Publication: Health - PAC BULLETIN.
2. Date of filing: September 28, 1973.
3. Frequency of issue: 8 times a year, January, Febru-
ary, March, April, May, September, October, November.
4. Office of Publication: 17 Murray Street, New York,
New York 10007.
5. General business office of publishers: 17 Murray
Street, New York, New York 10007.
6. Publisher: Health Policy Advisory Center, Inc.; Edi-
tor: Howard Levy, c / o Health - PAC, 17 Murray St.,
N. Y., N. Y. 10007; Managing Editor: Ronda Kotelchuck,
c / o Health - PAC, 17 Murray St., N. Y., N. Y. 10007.
7. Owner: (If owned by a corporation, its name and ad-
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owners must be given. If owned by a partnership or other
unincorporated firm, its name and address, as well as that
of each individual must be given.) Private, non profit -
membership corporation: Health Policy Advisory Center, 17
Murray Street, New York, N. Y. 10007. Members: Oliver
Fein, David Kotelchuck, Ronda Kotelchuck, Louise Lander,
Howard Levy, Nancy Jervis, Judy Carnoy, Tom Boden-
heimer, Elinor Blake.
8. Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security
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of this statute. I hereby request permission to mail the
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10. For completion by nonprofit organizations authorized
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Actual number of copies of single issue published near-
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ing editor.
3
CORPORATE MEDICINE:
THE KAISER HEALTH PLAN
" I want to see a thousand of these health
centers all over the country, " declared
Henry J. Kaiser in 1950. Well, it would.
warm Henry J's gravestone if he knew
that today his name is linked with the
most important health care reform in a
troubled America. The Kaiser Permanente -
medical care program operates through-
out most of California, up to Portland, out
to the Hawaiian Islands, into Denver and
east to Cleveland.
Kaiser Permanente -
(K - P) has its propo-
nents and its critics. K - P, which is group-
practice based, has stopped hospital over-
utilization and cut costs, supporters claim.
Critics counter that Kaiser provides " as-
sembly - line medicine " and, because it
cuts costs, care is mediocre. Many Cali-
fornia subscribers think " Kaiser's not
good, but it's the best around. "
Kaiser certainly differs dramatically
from traditional American medical care.
People buy insurance from the Kaiser
Foundation Health Plan usually through
their union or place of employment. But
the insurance is good only for care of-
fered at K P's - own hospitals and clinics.
When Kaiser members get sick, they
call the nearest Kaiser facility and make
an appointment - with their personal phy-
sician if they have one, or frequently with
whatever specialist seems appropriate. Be-
cause appointments are often hard to get,
people needing immediate treatment can
go to the drop clinic - in - or emergency
room. Those desiring a physical check - up
are referred to the multiphasic screening
unit for a battery of tests with a follow - up
doctor visit. Generally Kaiser covers many
more medical services than most private
insurance, and leaves fewer deductibles
and other out pocket - of -
payments for the
patient. Another important and innovative
feature at Kaiser is that doctors are paid
on a salaried rather than fee service - for -
basis.
While Kaiser administrators and _ re-
searchers have written extensively about
Kaiser's positive achievements, a critical
study is needed to sort out the successes
from the failures and to address certain
questions: Why is a large corporation like
Kaiser Industries, traditionally engaged
in construction, mining and aerospace, as-
sociated with a health plan? Is K P - really
non profit -? Does it truly keep down the
costs of medical care? And how do its
subscribers feel about the care they
receive?
Kaiser Permanente's -
Beginnings
Kaiser Permanente -
sprouted in a field of
cement: the colossal dam construction of
the'30's. Hoover, Grand Coulee and Bon-
neville dams were all built by Kaiser In-
dustries under government contracts.
In 1933, more than 5,000 Kaiser workers
were cutting a canal to carry fresh water
from the Colorado River's Hoover Dam to
Los Angeles. The project spread over 400
square miles of desert, and injuries or
sickness meant a 200 mile - trip to Los
4
Angeles. Because of the distance, Kaiser
built medical facilities in the nearby area.
Henry Kaiser made an agreement with
Sidney Garfield, an enterprising young
doctor in Desert Center, California, to set
up a prepaid medical service. Initially,
Kaiser paid the Desert Center Hospital
and physicians a certain amount to cover
industrial injuries. Later, the workers
could voluntarily put in a nickel - a - day
payroll deduction for general medical
services.
When Kaiser moved on to the Grand
Coulee Dam project, Garfield followed
and continued his prepaid medical plan.
For the first time, workers'families were
given full medical coverage, wives for
seven cents a day and children for
twenty - five cents a week.
The Government Helps Out
At the onset of World War II the market
for dams slackened, and Henry Kaiser
turned to shipbuilding. Again using gov-
ernment contracts, Kaiser organized ship-
yards in California, Oregon and Wash-
ington, employed 200,000 people, and
turned out fully 35 percent of all US mer-
chant vessels made during World War II.
As a result, Henry I was dubbed by
many as " Sir Launchalot. "
These shipyards were the basis for the
first expansion of the Kaiser medical em-
pire. In order to keep his men healthy,
Henry Kaiser built clinics at production
sites in Oakland, Richmond, Vancouver
and at the Kaiser steel mill in Fontana,
California. " The financing of these clinics
was provided out of government contracts,
since their cost was accepted by the au-
thorities as a bona fide operating expense.
After the war the clinics and their equip-
ment were declared surplus war property.
The Kaiser Hospital Foundation was es-
tablished by Kaiser and his wife, Bess, to
buy them at 1 percent of cost. " (1).
With the shipyards closed and the
Kaiser workforce plummeting, the health
plan was opened to the public and re-
named the Kaiser Permanente -
Plan. (The
name Permanente was Bess Kaiser's
idea; Henry's first cement plant was lo-
cated on the Permanente Creek.) Thus at
government expense, the K - P medical care
plan was begun.
Henry Kaiser's Philosophy
Henry Kaiser's expansion into the
health field wasn't just " one of his crazy
ideas, " as many critics thought. During
the New Deal years, the air was filled
with federal and state proposals advo-
cating compulsory health insurance. This
movement was strongest in California
where over a dozen progressive health
bills were introduced during the late
' 30's and'40's.
A strong advocate of private enterprise,
Henry Kaiser in 1942 publicly warned, " If
the doctors fear socialized medicine, if
industry is anxious about the widening
powers of the state, why not venture now,
boldly, into the activity that will forestall
the superplanners in their schemes to di-
rect medical services into the channels of
distributive bounty? " (2)
In 1945, Henry Kaiser began a national
campaign for his new protoype of health
insurance. He modestly proposed that the
Federal Housing Agency guarantee 10
percent of local bank loans to non profit -
groups that wanted to set up facilities for
prepaid hospital care. The AMA called
Kaiser's program " socialized medicine. "
Kaiser countered that his prepaid medical
projects would operate as " business en-
terprises motivated by the impelling force
of competition. " (3)
But Kaiser did not need any legislation.
His visions came true much faster than
people expected. By 1955, K P - had over
500,000 subscribers.
Kaiser Is Big Business
Whether Kaiser physicians or sub-
scribers like it or not, Kaiser Permanente -
is part of the Kaiser Industries empire and
is largely controlled by it. Kaiser Indus-
tries consists of about 100 active com-
panies including Kaiser Aluminum and
Chemical, Kaiser Steel, Kaiser Cement and
Gypsum, Kaiser Engineers and Kaiser
Aerospace and Electronics.
Of the 17 persons on the board of di-
rectors of the Kaiser Foundation Health
Plan and Hospitals, eight represent Kaiser
Industries. Most prominent is Henry
Kaiser's son, Edgar, who is chairman of
the board of both organizations. Kaiser
Industries'representation on K - P was even
stronger a few years ago, but as K - P be-
came more successful and secure in its
West Coast position, it began responding
to public pressures of the'60's and added
non Kaiser -
people with little power. As
public relations man Dan Scannell quip-
ped, " Now we have a Black, a woman
and an Oriental on the board. "
Many people ask why a _ successful
5
business would want to get involved with
all the problems of health delivery. Dr.
Clifford Keene, president of the Hospitals
and the Plan, as well as a board member
of Kaiser Industries, sums it up in saying,
" the unparalleled corporate interest in
health and medical affairs... arose out
of the needs and interests of the Kaiser
companies over the past 30 years. " (4)
We can only speculate what these needs
and interests are.
Washing Away Industry's Sins
As California labor consultant Thomas
Moore puts it, " the medical program is
just so damn self serving -
for Kaiser Indus-
tries. It washes away the sins of industry. "
Health care is always a shining star to
pin on one's chest. When asked in inter-
views which of his ventures gives him the
most satisfaction, Edgar Kaiser always re-
sponds, " the Kaiser Medical Care Pro-
gram. H "
Tomorrow the World
The Kaiser medical philosophy has not stopped at the American border, but is
expanding throughout the world. Located on the 17th floor of the giant Ordway
Building (part of the Kaiser Center) in downtown Oakland, a small staff is
quietly spreading the word throughout the Third World under the guise of the
Kaiser Foundation International funded (KFI)
by Kaiser Industries.
KFI was originally organized in 1957 as a California non profit -
corporation
under the name of Kaiser Foundation of Hawaii. According to KFI's literature,
its original purposes were to develop charitable, scientific, educational and
hospital programs on a local basis. But in 1964, its emphasis had shifted to pro-
moting hospital and health care programs abroad. Reflecting its potential geo-
graphical scope, its name was changed to Kaiser Foundation International.
Its board of directors include Dr. Clifford H. Keene, president, who is also
director of both Kaiser Industries and the Health Plan and Hospitals, and
vice president -
Dr. James P. Hughes, also a director of Kaiser Industries.
KFI is naturally following in the footsteps of its parent organization, the
Kaiser Health Plan and Hospitals. Initially it was active only in those countries
(Jamaica, Ghana, etc.) where one or another of the various Kaiser industrial
and construction firms had business interests. The Foundation has organized
and managed mostly occupational medical services for its employees - espe-
cially its foreign workers - located in remote areas. " In Ghana. " according to
Dr. Hughes, " it was quite clear that our medical mission at the outside would
be to take care of the work injuries on the construction of the plant, so that the
local government facilities would not be further burdened... Our second
consideration was that we had recruited a group of skilled people from around
the world to go in and provide the technical know - how that the construction
required. We knew that they would not go there, at least happily, without an
adequate medical service. So there was no problem at all about identifying
for whom we would be responsible at the outset, and to what extent. "
(Our italics.) (Health Care For Remote Areas, An International Conference,
Kaiser Foundation International, 1972, page 21.)
It's all very good for companies to provide health care facilities, but KFI is
taking a giant step in developing its brand of medical delivery services for
other countries. As a matter of fact, according to Hughes, " the majority of de-
veloping countries in which Kaiser Foundation International has worked to
date have not been the site of Kaiser industrial or construction projects.... The
mission that we in Kaiser Foundation International are charged with is to find
places around the world where community health care can be improved by
applying some of the principles developed in our domestic prepaid health plan. "
6to
On Edgar's conscience may be the fact
that Kaiser Steel is one of the big polluters
in southern California. Edgar Kaiser con-
tributed sizeably to the campaign against
California's recent ecology measure, Prop-
osition 20. According to the Washington
Post (5), Kaiser Aluminum dumps large
amounts of mercury containing -
waste into
the Mississippi River in Louisiana. Con-
troversy erupted in the San Francisco Bay
Area over Kaiser Sand and Gravel's de-
facing of hilltops in Orinda. Other Kaiser
strip mining operations go on in Canada
and Australia.
Another blot on Kaiser Industries'image
is its rating in the top 100 Department of
Defense contractors'list. One of its
wholly - owned subsidiaries, Kaiser Aero-
space and Electronics Corporation, pro-
duces rocket motor nozzles and structural
components for aircraft and missile pro-
grams and electronic equipment such as
aircraft flight display systems. In 1972,
Kaiser Aerospace and Electronics had a
9.7 $ million contract to build electronic
equipment for the A 63 - fighter bomber -
which was used extensively over Viet-
nam. Kaiser companies also have made
bombers, ammunition and built military
bases (6).
Kaiser Aluminum and Chemical, in a
new partnership with Aetna Life and
Casualty Company, is one of the coun-
try's largest real estate and land develop-
ment corporations. Directed by Edgar
Kaiser, Kaiser - Aetna has developments in
California, Hawaii, Arizona, Baltimore,
Atlanta, Cincinnati, New Orleans and
Texas. In 1970 it evicted over 100 poor na-
tive Hawaiian families at Kalama Valley.
In a Wall Street Journal ad, Kaiser - Aetna
boasts, " If we're not already in your
neighborhood, perhaps we will be soon.'"
Nor is Kaiser above self serving -
illegal
deals. The Wall Street Journal (7) reported
that 36 officers of Kaiser Steel, including
Edgar Kaiser, secretly bought 63,200
shares in a Canadian coal mine. The
shares were supposed to be sold only to
Canadians. When the mine yielded prac-
tically nothing, the Kaiser officers, with
inside information, sold their shares at a
profit while making reassuring statements
about the mine. The Securities and Ex-
change Commission investigated, and a
federal court issued an injunction against
Kaiser's fraudulent activities. A Kaiser
public affairs vice president -
commented,
" Everything we've done is open and
above board. "
Kaiser and Taxes
In 1948, Henry Kaiser set up the Kaiser
Family Foundation which is entirely dis-
tinct from the Kaiser Foundation Health
Plan. In doing so, Henry " seemed more
interested in providing a vehicle for tax
planning and estate management than in
execution of a charitable program, " ac-
cording to a study by the usually staid
Twentieth Century Fund (8). In fact, the
Kaiser Family Foundation, the 27th largest
foundation in the US, plays a key role in
the control of Kaiser Industries by mem-
bers of the Kaiser family.
The Kaiser Family Foundation is now
the single largest owner of Kaiser Indus-
tries stock, with a controlling share of
32.7 percent. The next largest block of
stock, 8.5 percent, is owned by Edgar
Kaiser, chairman of the board of Kaiser
Industries. Currently, Edgar is also a
trustee of the Family Foundation. The
Family Foundation's income from Kaiser
Industries'stock is tax free -. So Edgar can
make a large, taxable personal income
from his own shares, and keep control
over Kaiser Industries through the tax free -
Family Foundation shares.
Specifically, the Family Foundation pro-
vides capital to the Kaiser Foundation
Medical Care program to assist its ex-
pansion in California and into new re-
gions of the US (9). The Foundation
donated $ 3.5 million to start a Kaiser-
Permanente program in Cleveland, and $ 2
million for one in Denver. Seed money
for the Oregon and Hawaii ventures also
came from the Foundation. To insure that
control of the Family Foundation never
leaves Kaiser hands, all of the trustees of
the Family Foundation are past or present
members of the boards of both Kaiser In-
dustries and Kaiser Permanente -
. (Interest-
ingly, for a while K - P directly owned $ 2
million of Kaiser Industries stock, but sold
its shares in 1970.) The Family Foundation
has received most of its stock from be-
quests in the wills of Kaiser family mem-
bers in 1951 after the death of Bess
Kaiser, in 1961 after the death of Henry's
youngest son, and in 1967 following the
death of Henry himself.
Kaiser Industries also receives a small,
but direct benefit from K P's - continuous
hospital and clinic construction. Kaiser
Engineers, a wholly - owned subsidiary of
Kaiser Industries, designs most of the
hospitals and many of the materials used
for construction are Kaiser's. One example
comes from Redwood City, California
7
where a building inspector explained,
" Of course Kaiser Industries builds their
hospitals, and they specify in their con-
tracts that it uses their own materials. " '
(10)
Kaiser's Growth
" Growth is a way of life for the Kaiser-
Permanente Program, " states the K - P 1969
annual report. Most subscribers don't
even know that 4 percent of their premium
plus a minimum of 15 cents per member
per month is budgeted for expansion.
K P's - eagerness to grow is reflected in
its over subscription -
policy in some re-
gions. The southern California Panorama
City Hospital provides a good example.
Three years ago, the Lockheed Corpora-
tion in Burbank was looking for a health
plan for its 8,000 employees. Kaiser ini-
tially said that it wasn't equipped to
handle that many more people for three
years. But not wanting to lose the 3.3 mil-
lion dollars a year that 8,000 employees
would bring in, Kaiser changed its mind
when Lockheed began to look elsewhere.
The Lockheed employees were not as-
signed their own doctors until they were
processed through a screening exam. But
appointments for the exam took up to six
months and even then, the members did
not receive a doctor unless they showed
an abnormal test. The discrepancy in
staffing for the new patient load was not
fully rectified for three years. According
to one source, the entry of Lockheed em-
ployees resulted in other Kaiser members
getting lower quality services for their
money, the new Lockheed workers getting
partial benefits even though they paid full
price, and hospital personnel working
longer and harder hours with no increase
in pay.
Why does K P - expand? One important
reason was expressed by a K P - planner:
" As long as we keep expanding, our pa-
tient population won't get too old. If we
remain static, our average patient's age
will get older and older and then we'll be
in trouble economically. This way every
time we get a new union or a new factory,
we get only the people who are working
now and are in good health; not the re-
tirees and the people who've had to quit
because of a disabling disease. " (11) This
is good " business sense, " because the
older one gets the more medical services
are required. Also at Kaiser, the longer
one is a member, the easier it is to know
and utilize the system. As one Kaiser
8
nurse explained, The " longer you're at
Kaiser the more you realize that you can
get immediate care by demanding and
shouting either on the phone or in the
clinics. " Clearly, it is more economical for
Kaiser to have a continuous stream of
new subscribers who don't know how the
system works.
How The Kaiser
Health Plan Works
Who Subscribes?
Two and a half million people belong
to Kaiser. The Northern and Southern Cali-
fornia regions each account for well over
a million, with the remaining 300,000 scat-
tered in Oregon, Hawaii, Ohio and Colo-
rado. Yet, as Kaiser's own analysis
shows, its membership by no means re-
sembles the general population (12).
Kaiser families had an average income
of 11,309 $
in 1967 and 1968, while data
show southern California families aver-
aging incomes of $ 10,421. Thus Kaiser
tends to enroll healthier people avoiding
the burden of those who need medical
care the most - the chronically ill, elderly
and poor. In the words of Kaiser's own
economists, " we are younger and rela-
tively under represented -
in certain popu-
lation groupings, for example, the unem-
ployed, the indigent, the wealthy, the self-
employed, and people living in rural and
other non metropolitan -
areas. " 14 () It
should be noted that Kaiser is no different
than private insurance companies in skim-
ming lower - risk people from the popula-
tion; commercial insurers in southern
California, for example, have an even
younger and healthier population than
Kaiser.
In northern California 76 percent of
Kaiser members are in a healthy age
group under 45 years, compared to 70 per-
cent of the general population (13). Only
4.2 percent of Kaiser subscribers in north-
ern California are over 65, whereas 9
percent of the general population is in
this high risk age. Kaiser will not accept
group enrollment that has more than 25
percent of its membership over 60 years.
If it weren't for Medicare, Kaiser would
have far fewer elderly people.
In northern California 87 percent of
members join K - P through a group, with
the employer generally paying all or part
of the monthly charges. Public employees
-federal, state, local, including em-
ployees of school districts constitute -
K P's - Business
K - P is a very successful business operation. Although it is legally a non profit -
organization, its " excess income " is as high as many profit making -
corpora-
tions. In 1971, K - P reported a free tax - net income of $ 12 million. Adjusting that
figure for accelerated depreciation, and for corporate income taxes, Fortune
claims that the organization's excess income would be 8.8 percent. This is
about equal to that of the oil industry (9 percent) and only 0.3 percent below
the average return for the Fortune 500 that year, according to Fortune. An
indication of Kaiser's financial strength is its ability to borrow from the Bank
of America at the prime rate. In January, 1973, Standard and Poor's awarded
the Kaiser Plan an " A " bond rating - its first to a private non profit -
corporation.
Because of its legal non profit -
status, K - P cannot pocket its profits. Much
of its excess income is turned back into expansion and high administrative
salaries and expenses.
The total revenue of K - P in 1972 was $ 454 million. Of this amount, $ 363 mil-
lion came from members'dues; 44 $ million from supplemental charges (most
of which comes from the pharmacy and the optical laboratories); $ 37 million
from Medicare reimbursement, and $ 10 million from non plan -, industrial and
non member - services.
Expenses for 1972 were $ 441 million with $ 234 million going to physicians
and their staff; $ 151 million going to hospital services including -
the salaries
of all hospital workers: 28 $ million for outpatient pharmacy and optical serv-
ices and almost $ 4 million for other benefits such as ambulance costs and reim-
bursements of members for area out - of -
emergency expenditures; close to $ 7
million goes to Community Service programs, but almost all of the $ 7 million is
reimbursed under federal research grants and contracts; and $ 13 million is used
to administer the Health Plan.
more than 40 percent of Kaiser's total
membership. Non group -
enrollment is 13.
percent of Kaiser's entire membership.
These persons enrolled on an individual
basis or converted to individual member-
ship when they left an employer who had
Kaiser insurance. According to Kaiser
spokesman Robert Zimmerman, the health
plan will not accept high - risk individuals.
who are over 60 or have high blood pres-
sure, diabetes or other chronic conditions.
Benefits under individual enrollment are
more limited than those provided in
groups and the premiums are higher. The
health plan may terminate the member-
ship of individual members on 15 days.
notice. Officials say this is seldom done.
Comprehensive Benefits
Kaiser's benefits are relatively compre-
hensive compared to other health insur-
ance plans. Generally all subscribers re-
ceive hospital services, out patient -
care
with lab tests and X rays -, drugs, eye
exams, physical therapy, ambulance serv-
ice, emergency care and maternity care
(after 10 months of membership). How-
ever, different members have different
plans, depending on the costs of the
monthly premiums. A more expensive
plan might include psychiatric service
and long term care; a cheaper plan might
charge the patient for certain services and
limit the number of hospital days.
In southern California, for example,
Plan AA costs more per month and pro-
vides doctor visits, eye exams, and
physical therapy free. Plan BC, with a
lower monthly premium, charges $ 2 per
doctor visit, eye exam and physical ther-
apy treatment. Both AA and BC sub-
scribers must pay " reasonable rates " for
out patient - drugs. Plan M for - Medicare
beneficiaries - is the most comprehensive;
Kaiser receives a monthly payment from
the federal government plus an additional
charge from the member for those services
not covered by the government.
Currently the health plan does not
cover attempts at " suicide or other inten-
tionally self inflicted -
injuries or illnesses
(this would include overdosage of pills);
9
~
Structure of the
The Kaiser Permanente -
medical care program is divided into four components:
the Kaiser Foundation Health Plan, Kaiser Foundation Hospitals, Permanente
Medical Groups and Permanente Services Incorporated. All four are decen-
tralized into six regions.
The Kaiser Foundation Health Plan
This " profit non -"
corporation acts like an insurance company. The main dif-
ference between it and Blue Cross is that people insured by the Health Plan
must (except in emergencies) use their insurance only at Kaiser hospitals with
Permanente Medical Groups. So the Health Plan not only enrolls subscribers,
it also arranges for their health services through contracts with the hospitals
and medical groups.
The Kaiser Foundation Hospitals
The hospitals, also " profit non -"
, are run by the same board of directors as
the Health Plan; in fact, these two components have almost amalgamated into
one entity. Kaiser has over 20 hospitals, and the Health Plan contracts with
non Kaiser -
hospitals in Cleveland, Denver and San Diego where the program
has relatively few subscribers.
The Permanente Medical Groups (PMG's)
The PMG's are groups of physicians, one in each of the six geographical
regions. Legally they are profit making -
organizations, though the profits go to
the physicians themselves rather than to outside stockholders. The PMG's are
separate from the Health Plan and Hospitals partly because of state laws that
prohibit physicians from working under a lay employer, and partly in order
to maintain the non profit -
, tax exempt -
status of the Health Plan and Hospitals.
Structurally, the PMG's each have their own board of directors (sometimes
called executive committee).
The Health Plan pays the PMG's on a capitation basis, that is to say, the
PMG receives a fixed amount of money per member per month. In operation
drug addiction; alcoholism; conditions
covered by Workmen's Compensation;
military - service connected conditions; cus-
todial, domiciliary or convalescent care;
cosmetic surgery; corrective appliances
and artificial aids; extensive neuromuscu-
lar rehabilitation and conditions resulting
from a major disaster or epidemic. " Also,
if a member is injured or taken ill while
temporarily more than 30 miles from a
Kaiser hospital, Kaiser will pay for treat-
ment in any hospital. Kaiser claims it will
pay up to an aggregate maximum of
$ 3,000 for emergency services and ambu-
lance. There have been reported cases of
emergencies, where Kaiser has not paid
because it didn't deem certain injuries or
illnesses as emergencies. Subscribers suf-
fering emergencies within the 30 mile
zone must go to Kaiser or pay their own
way.
In northern California, new benefits will
10
be added, effective January 1, 1974. They
are: care for intentionally self inflicted -
in-
jury (this apparently is included because
at point of entry, it is difficult to diagnose
whether certain injuries or medical condi-
tions are inflicted self -)
; intensive care for
TB patients in specialized hospitals (there
is a low incidence of TB among Kaiser
subscribers); emergency coverage up to
$ 3,000 occurring anywhere in the world
(including 80 percent coverage up to
$ 50,000 and 365 days in the hospital).
Low Income - Care
By dabbling in small projects for low-
income people and publicizing these proj-
ects far beyond their worth, Kaiser is try-
ing to change its middle - class image. The
best known -
effort is the Portland OEO pro-
gram for 1,200 low income -
families. Simi-
lar tiny programs were opened in south-
ern California and Hawaii. Kaiser is
K - P Medical Program
this basically means that physicians are salaried.
Salaries of Kaiser physicians are competitive with the medical marketplace.
Beginning salaries range from $ 20,400 to 24,000 $
with fringe benefits up to an
|
additional 25 percent. The average salary is around $ 40,000 plus substantial
fringe benefits. According to PMG physicians, some specialists make $ 70.000
to $ 100,000. Each year besides living cost - of -
increases, merit raises are doled
out by department heads and the physicians - in - chief.
For the first two years a doctor at Kaiser is an employee of the PMG, after
which the physician is eligible to become a so called -
" participant. " After
another year, the physician is eligible for partnership. The difference between
a partner and a non partner -
appears to be primarily financial. Once a partner,
the doctor can share in all the profits of the group. Voting privileges are also
acquired. Approximately thirds two -
of Kaiser's more than 2,000 physicians are
partners.
Doctors'profits at Kaiser are variously termed the " contingency contractual
payment, " " divisible surplus, " " bonus " or " incentive compensation. " What
this means is that after the budget for the entire medical care program (hospitals
and PMG's) is prepared, an additional 5 percent is tacked on and made part
of the final budget. Then, four or five times a year, any budgeted money left
over is distributed equally between the PMG's and the Health Plan Hospitals /
.
The PMG money goes to the physician partners as a bonus, and usually runs
from $ 7,000 to $ 9,000 in addition to their salaries.
Permanente Services Incorporated (PSI)
The profit making -
Permanente Services corporations - one for each region-
perform administrative and pharmacy services for the Hospitals and PMG's.
PSI functions include accounting, payroll. employee relations, planning and
construction management, and the operation of pharmacies for the hospitals
and clinics. The profits of PSI go to its stockholders, the Kaiser Foundation
Health Plan and Hospitals. PSI appears to be separate from the Health Plan
and Hospitals for legal and tax reasons.
rightfully proud of the fact that the poor
were cared for on an equal basis with
regular Kaiser subscribers. Of course.
Kaiser received ample funds for its proj-
ects; in addition to paying the premiums,
OEO provides money for patient transpor-
tation, home care, staff training and other
social and outreach services. You can bet
that these extras will disappear with OEO.
Without investing a penny of its own,
Kaiser found through its OEO programs
that it could serve small numbers of poor
people without a marked increase in costs
per patient (15). This information is ex-
tremely useful in deciding on further in-
tegration of low income -
Medicaid patients
into Kaiser facilities and calculating reim-
bursement rates from Medicaid programs.
In an experiment with a prepaid Medi-
Cal (California's Medicaid program) con-
tract, Kaiser's southern California Fontana
facility signed up 1,200 Medi - Cal patients
in 1972. This contract may not last. Under
a new conflict of interest law, no organiza-
tion can receive Medi - Cal contracts if any
of its officers are state employees, legisla-
tors or commissioners. K - P may prefer ac-
cess to important government groups than
to serve low income -
patients.
Charity Begins At Home
A very small number of the medically
indigent people without insurance, Medi-
care or Medicaid - get into Kaiser. On the
average, according to a Health Plan rep-
resentative, only 1 percent of any one
hospital's inpatients are non Plan - sub-
scribers and have no insurance coverage.
They are financed by the individual facil-
ity's Medical Social Assistance Account.
In the past the percentage of charitable
cases was much higher. The 1961 K P -
Annual Report dedicated a page to chari-
table care nobly stating, " The Com-
11
munity Service Program places special
it is available, acceptable, compre-
emphasis on charitable care.... This
hensive, continuous, and documented;
charitable care program is designed to as-
sist persons or families the social service
workers describe as'medically indigent. '
They become'medically indigent'in the
face of heavy hospital or medical bills.
... Any clergyman, community welfare
agency representative, doctor or nurse
may refer these'medically indigent'cases
to Kaiser Foundation Hospitals. "
and the extent to which adequate
therapy is based on an accurate di-
agnosis rather than symptomatology.
I would add the criterion of dignity-
the dignity accorded the recipient of
services, and the dignity of style of
the providers of services. " (19)
Availability
Today Kaiser is far less generous with
community services and rarely talks
about the individual medically indigent.
The community service funds allotted for
" charity, research and education " are
largely funneled to physicians for indi-
Almost everyone agrees that the US
suffers from a shortage of doctors. But no
one is sure just what the proper ratio of
physicians to patients should be for op-
timal care. Kaiser views one physician
per 1,000 members as the ideal, but does
vidual research projects. This arrange-
ment enables Kaiser to create a " uni-
not achieve its goal. In fact, Kaiser's phy-
members sician - to -
ratio is lower than the
versity atmosphere " for many of the " aca-
demically inclined " doctors. As one San
physician / patient population ratio of the
states in which Kaiser is located. The ratio
Francisco doctor said, " research money
is our sanity money. It gives us a half
day or so to be away from patient care. "
Quality of Care
The most important aspects of medical
care are most difficult to measure. Only a
few studies of Kaiser's quality of care
have been done. Most useful are (1) a
1972 study by Milton Roemer and others
on comparative utilization rates, costs, at-
titudes of patients, and quality of care
under three major types of health insur-
of para medical -
personnel to patients is
also lower at Kaiser, which employs an
estimated two persons per patient com-
pared with 2.8 nationally in " short - term
hospitals. "
Doctors per 100,000 Population - 1969 (20)
State Ratio
Percent
K - P Ratio Difference
Northern
California
161
102
-36
Southern
California
161
90
-43
Hawaii
133
83
-38
Oregon
128
67
-49
ance plans (Blue Cross / Blue Shield, pri-
vate insurance company and Kaiser) (16),
(2) an examination by Nolan, Schwartz
and Simonian of social class differences
in the utilization of pediatric services at
the Oakland Kaiser clinic (17), and (3)
the California Council for Health Plan
Alternatives (a union sponsored -
organiza-
tion) and the Medical Committee for Hu-
man Rights 1973 mail questionnaire study
of consumer satisfaction among 10,000
members of the Northern California Car-
penters Union who subscribed to the
Kaiser Plan. (Because only 24 percent re-
plied to the questionnaire (18), this study
must be viewed only as an indication of
consumer feelings.)
The findings of these studies will be dis-
cussed below in analyzing whether K - P
meets its own standards for quality care.
Dr. Clifford Keene, as President of the
Kaiser Foundation Health Plan and Hos-
pitals, has stated,
" the criteria for judging quality in
Understaffing causes limited access for
Kaiser subscribers. The usual complaint
among Kaiser subscribers is waiting on
the phone to make an appointment, wait-
ing until an appointment is available, and
waiting at drop - in and emergency clinics.
Thirty percent of the CCHPA / MCHR re-
spondents wait over one month for an ap-
pointment, and 27 percent wait from one
to two hours to see a doctor at a drop - in
clinic.
Another problem facing many sub-
scribers is that they live too far from the
nearest Kaiser facility. Among patients
sampled at the Oakland pediatric drop - in
clinic, Nolan et al found 22 percent of pa-
tients making daytime visits and 53 per-
cent of those making evening visits had
a transportation problem (21).
Lack of access causes many subscribers
to seek, and pay extra, for care outside
Kaiser's facilities. 55 percent of those who
answered the CCHPA / MCHR question-
naire have used non Kaiser -
medical serv-
medical care are the degree to which
ices since joining K - P. 78 percent of these
12
people must pay for these outside
services.
Kaiser Plays The
Numbers Game
Roemer and his colleagues found that
12 percent of the services used by sub-
scribers in a 12 month -
period took place
outside the Kaiser facilities. However,
Kaiser's philosophy is one of effi-
ciency and cost savings -
, and all per-
sonnel are guided by it. Physicians
and clerks alike are pressured to per-
form to their limits; patients and
workers suffer as a result.
there is no report on the number of sub-
scribers involved. Certainly far more than
12 percent of the subscribers used these
outside services.
The Kaiser Plan has its own statistics
which show even higher outside utiliza-
The telephone appointment proce-
dure is the crucial entry point into
the Kaiser system. All calls for ap-
pointments are handled at a circular
central appointment desk around
which sit a number of clerks. In the
tion. A K - P consumer satisfaction study
prepared by the Field Research Com-
pany found that 44 percent of a southern
California sample replied affirmatively
that non Kaiser -
physicians and non Kaiser -
medical services had been used (22).
center of the desk is a huge elec-
trically controlled lazy Susan -
filled
with all the physicians'individual
schedules so that each clerk can
Kaiser officials discount this figure, stating
that the survey did not ask whether the
services were referrals by Kaiser physi-
cians or whether these outside visits were
handle any appointment for any pa-
tient to any physician.
This all appears rather efficient. So
why do subscribers chronically com-
plain about long telephone waits of
up to an hour? The answer lies in
Kaiser's " numbers game. "
In northern California, Kaiser's ad-
ministration has decided that each
covered by another health insurance plan
carried by the other spouse. Kaiser's ex-
planations are not convincing. The statis-
tics of outside use are relatively high and
if a majority of them are due to referrals,
then Kaiser is actually admitting that its
services are inadequate. Furthermore, the
CCHPA study just cited above contradicts
Kaiser's statement that members who use
appointment clerk should be able to
handle 25 calls an hour or an aver-
outside care are covered by other insur-
ance plans.
age of five and a half to six physi-
cians'calls. The clerks find this im-
When broken down by income,
Roemer's study showed that families earn-
possible to do. Doing their best, each
clerk handles about 150 calls a day.
The clerks not only care for the pa-
tients'needs, but also shuffle calls to
ing under $ 11,000 seek more out plan - of -
care than do families earning over that
amount, especially for maternity care. The
researchers suggest that lower income
other departments. It is almost as if
families may go out of Kaiser more often
Kaiser deliberately wishes to make
" because of some dissatisfactions or
t-
access difficult.
because they have not learned to'work
If the appointment procedure is
the system'efficiently... " (23).
sometimes a problem for patients, it
is also no joy for the appointment
desk clerks. The supervisors of the
appointment clerks, who realize that
the administration's goals are un-
realistic, attempt to do their best.
Each supervisor has a panel with
automatic counters and red lights
which flash on and off. The panel
shows how many calls have been
taken every hour by each worker,
how many have been lost (lost " "
calls are patients who hang up in
dismay), and how many are wait-
ing at any particular moment.
It is difficult for any Kaiser subscriber to
" work the system, " but the general prob-
lems of Kaiser come down hardest on peo-
ple who have previously never been given
the opportunity to navigate the health
system. Kaiser's out patient -
services are
organized with a white, middle - class bias.
Blue collar families utilize K - P services
considerably less than do white collar
families. Roemer showed that in a three
month period, members of blue collar
families made only 662 doctor visits per
1,000 subscribers, but for white collar fam-
ilies the rate is 954 per 1,000 (24).
Utilization also differs considerably be-
tween whites and non whites -
. Nolan re-
ports that " more than half the visits made
13
by white children were to the appoint-
ment clinics, but only one third - of the
visits made by Negro... children were
to the appointment clinics.... Slightly
more white patients came for health su-
pervision (school examinations) than for
acute conditions... among Negroes, for
every preventive visit there were two for
acute conditions. " (25)
Acceptability
Kaiser members like the prepayment
method of financing health care more
than commercial plan holders like the fee-
for service -
system. But prepayment does
not necessarily result in equal use of
services by families or in equal sharing
of costs. Non utilization -
is actually an in-
direct way of subsidizing the care re-
ceived by the users of services. If there is
a greater degree of non utilization -
, as the
Nolan and Roemer studies show, by lower
income groups enrolled at Kaiser then
they are subsidizing the upper income
groups who use the services more ex-
tensively (26).
Attitudes toward medical care received
at Kaiser are less positive than attitudes
towards Kaiser's financing. K P's - own
study, conducted by the Field Research
Company, comes up with some startling
figures: " In both past and present sur-
veys, " according to Greer Williams, " only
half of the members interviewed were sat-
isfied with procedures in K - P clinics, such
as getting appointments, promptness of
service, and so on. " (27)
Comprehensiveness
Kaiser's benefits and coverage are com-
prehensive when compared with other in-
surance plans, although dental care is not
covered and psychiatric services are
limited. Kaiser covers a greater proportion
of medical care costs than do other plans,
but the coverage is by no means totally
comprehensive. Studies show that Kaiser
pays between 43 and 76 percent of total
medical care costs (28).
Continuity of Care
Kaiser operates a dual ambulatory sys-
tem of care: a patient can take the ap-
pointment route or the drop - in route. The
drop - in clinic is not integrated into the
rest of the system. Patients go there pri-
marily because they don't know how to
use the appointment system or because
they don't feel they can wait the days,
weeks, or, for some specialties, even
months to get an appointment. Frequent-
14
ly, these clinics (and especially night
clinics) are staffed by moonlighting doc-
tors.
Drop - in clinics serve as pressure valves
on an understaffed, overworked system.
Without them Kaiser would have to hire
more full time - physicians and ancillary
staff; drop - in physicians are frequently
part time -
employees, not partners in the
group practices.
One reason care at Kaiser is discontin-
uous is because specialty care is empha-
sized, and is the core of the Kaiser design.
Only half of Kaiser's physicians are clas-
sifiable as primary care physicians (gen-
eral practitioners, internists, pediatri-
cians). The others are specialists or super-
specialists to whom patients are referred
for illnesses which often could be treated
by a primary care physician.
Although many Kaiser members are
victims of discontinuous care, Black pa-
tients fall overwhelmingly into this cate-
gory. Nolan found that 48 percent of all
white pediatric patients visited the drop-
in clinic, while 67 percent of all Black pa-
tients received care there. Furthermore, 18
percent fewer Black patients have a regu-
lar pediatrician than do white patients
(29). The CCHPA / MCHR study suggests
that an even larger proportion of the total
Kaiser population is without a family phy-
sician. That study found 51 percent of re-
spondents without a personal physician,
of whom 71 percent expressed a desire to
have one.
What are Kaiser physicians'reactions
to the lack of continuity? An intra hospital -
critique at the Santa Clara facility in-
cludes physicians'complaints of fraction-
ated care due to overuse of the specialty
clinics and poor screening techniques.
They added that patients are scheduled
to see a different doctor at each visit, even
for routine appointment follow - up. More-
over, they claimed, scheduling did not
leave them enough time to see their pa-
tients adequately. Some physicians dis-
courage " difficult " patients from returning
or punt " " them from one doctor to another.
A major issue the physicians continue
to wrestle with is the emphasis of Kaiser
management on quantity rather than
quality of care. As one physician explain-
ed, " The system bases many things on
numbers without qualifying these num-
bers. The problem is pressure from the ad-
ministration which engenders a crazy
paranoid way about numbers. "
Every month a data sheet with the
count of patients seen in each department
and facility in the Northern California re-
gion is distributed to physicians - in - chief
and department heads. Some doctors
have been told by their department heads
they were not seeing enough patients and
shouldn't take educational leaves.
Some doctors feel their schedules are so
rushed and inflexible as to preclude de-
livering adequate, humane care. The
schedules are also nerve wracking -
to
many physicians, and, as one doctor put
it, " they have an ultimately eroding ef-
fect on a physician's sense of responsi-
bility for the patient. "
Democracy at Kaiser
Membership Participation
As far back as 1957, Henry Kaiser sum-
med up K - P policy stating, " You don't
ask your corner grocer to share his owner-
ship with people who buy at the store. "
Sixteen years later, K P's - attitude on mem-
bership participation remains the same.
There are no member representatives or
representatives of subscriber groups on
the national board of directors. In the late
1960's the unions attempted to get on the
board; Kaiser flatly refused them.
Thomas Moore, former executive di-
rector of the California Council on Health
Plan Alternatives. testified in 1971 before
the Senate Subcommittee on Health, that,
after two years of complaining about
Kaiser's inadequate patient grievance
procedures, K - P finally proposed some
changes. Kaiser agreed to set up a griev-
ance committee " as long as every patient
bringing a grievance deposited $ 150 to
cover the cost of arbitration.... " " To us, "
explained Moore, " it is absurd to put such
a heavy burden on a man who is making
a complaint so that he can't afford to
make it. " (30)
Physician Participation
K - P always emphasizes the democratic
nature of the medical groups (See Box,
Page 10) and their autonomy from the
health plan. Kaiser considers it a " funda-
mental principle that the physicians must
be involved in responsibility for adminis-
trative and operational decisions that af-
fect the quality of care they provide. "
Structurally the medical groups each
have their own executive committee.
Kaiser states it in its literature that " there
is constant input from the partners, both
formal and informal.... Key decisions
are made not just by the board of di-
rectors but by the board and the full
membership. " (31) Interviews with physi-
cians in the Northern California region
about the decision - making process reveal
a very different picture.
One Kaiser doctor characterized the ex-
ecutive committee as " an autocracy which
makes decisions in the guise of'quality
of care.'" Similarly a second physician
called them " serving self -
, power hungry
men with coteries of syncophants who are
building personal empires. " And a third
Kaiser doctor described them as " an oli-
garchy ruled with an iron fist that makes
decisions by fiat. " Every day in one
Kaiser physician's practice, a scheduling
situation would arise in which " decisions
were coming down from the top that in-
terfered with how care was delivered. "
(32)
Within the last two years, with the attri-
tion rate increasing significantly, the phy-
sicians whose " opinions were neither
sought nor listened to " were so dissatisfied
that members of the executive committee
were forced to tour the hospitals and
tokenly restructure their committee.
Today the committee's board, although
it has changed from its original composi-
tion of self appointed -
lifetime members,
is still not elected by or accountable to
the full membership of the group. Now the
committee consists of at least three old-
timers whose power positions are un-
shakeable, plus the physician - in - chief
from each hospital, and one representa-
tive from each clinic who is elected every
two years by the partners of that facility.
Only those representatives from groups
of 25 doctors or more who have their own
hospital are allowed to vote. (The physi-
cians at the Sunnyvale Clinic and the
South San Francisco Clinic, for example,
are not voting members.) The company
clique is still there; the physicians - in - chief
are appointed by the executive committee
and elected representatives are always
outnumbered.
Worker Participation
If things are difficult for doctors, one
can imagine the situation of hospital
workers. Like all hospitals, Kaiser workers
are not involved in any decision - making.
The bulk of the workers at Northern Cali-
fornia Kaiser, including LVN's (LPN's),
pharmacists, technicians, dishwashers,
housekeepers, etc., are members of Local
250 of the AFL - CIO, the Hospital and In-
15
stitutional Workers'Union.
This fall Local 250 is negotiating a new
contract with K - P. There are three areas
that the union considers important: The
first is wages. The union wants salary in-
creases that will cover Bay Area cost - of-
living increases. The second is health
benefits. Kaiser gives its own workers
Plan D coverage, which is not the most
comprehensive. The union wants Plan SS,
a better package. The third concern is
that of working conditions. Some of the
specific working conditions the union
would like to see included, according to
one union representative, are on job - the -
training, career mobility, and lighter work
loads. It should come as no surprise that
the union considers this last issue to be
the most difficult to negotiate with Kaiser.
Utilization and Costs
Many people praise and promote Kaiser
for relative economies of costs and utiliza-
tion of hospital services. Studies generally
support the contention that economies ex-
ist at Kaiser although the data are not
entirely consistent.
Four comparative studies are relevant
Who's Who on the Board
Edgar Kaiser Chairman -
, Director of all Kaiser companies and subsidiaries.
Clifford H. Keene, Board M.D. -
of Directors, Kaiser Industries.
E. E. Trefethan, Jr. Officer -
on many Kaiser companies and President of Henry
J. Kaiser Family Foundation.
James A. Vohs Employed -
by various Kaiser affiliated organizations; mem-
ber of the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare's Task Force on Med-
icaid and Related Programs, 1968-70.
Mary I. Bunting, President M.D. - Ex -
of Radcliffe College; Commissioner with
Atomic Energy Commission.
Robert J. Glazer, President M.D. -
of Kaiser Family Foundation; ex Vice -
Presi-
dent of Commonwealth Fund; Dean ex -
of School of Medicine, Stanford
University.
Arthur J. Goldberg - General Counsel for AFL - CIO and United Steelworkers of
America; Secretary ex -
, U.S. Department of Labor; ex Associate -
Justice of
U.S. Supreme Court.
William Colorado Grant -
National Bank; Chairman Democratic State Central
Committee, 1965-69; ex President -
of Metropolitan TV Company: ex Chair- -
man of the Board, Sangre de Cristo Broadcasting Company, Denver.
William Hewlett - Chief Executive Officer and Director of Hewlett Packard -
Corporation; Director, Chase Manhattan Bank and the Overseas Develop-
ment Corp.: Trustee of the Rand Corporation; Member of the President's
General Advisory Committee on Foreign Assistance, 1965-68; Trustee, Stan-
ford University.
Roy E. Hughes - Board of Directors of many Kaiser Industries Corporations.
Henry M. Kaiser Edgar's -
brother; Kaiser Glass and Fiber Corporation.
George E. Link Director -
of Texada Mines, Ltd., Minerva Bayovar, S.A., Kaiser
Industries and Willys Motor, Inc.
William Marks - Board of Directors of many Kaiser companies.
Quigg Newton President -
, Commonwealth Fund; Mayor, City and County of
Denver, 1947-55; with Ford Foundation, 1955-56; President of University of
Colorado, 1956-63; National Advisory Mental Health Council, National Insti-
tutes of Health, 1964-68.
Mitchell W. Spellman, M.D. Dean -
of the Charles R. Drew Postgraduate Med-
ical School.
Arthur Weissman - Economist for Kaiser Health Plan.
Ralph T. Yamaguchi - Assistant Public Prosecutor, City and County of Hono-
lulu, 1937-39; Special Deputy Attorney General of Hawaii, 1938-39; Director,
Hawaiian Telephone Company.
16
to this discussion: (1) Roemer, et al.,
Health Insurance Effects, 1972 (33); (2) The
Federal Employees Health Benefits Pro-
gram, 1971 (34); (3) The Report of the Med-
ical and Hospital Advisory Council to the
Board of Administration of the California
State Employees'Retirement System (35);
and (4) Family Medical Care Under Three
Types of Health Insurance, Columbia
University (36).
Utilization
Kaiser members have lower hospitaliza-
tion rates compared with other groups
when measured by total days of hospital
care per 1,000 members per year. Kaiser's
rate is lower in comparison with various
commercial insurance plans and certain
"'individual - practice type plans " such as
the San Joaquin Foundation for Medical
Care, and about half that of Blue Cross /
Blue Shield (37). Two factors, the rate of
Idmissions and length of stay per admis-
ion, are responsible for Kaiser's lower
ospitalization rates.
Kaiser also has a much lower rate of
ospital admissions for in hospital -
surg-
: al procedures, about one half - that of
lue Shield. Specifically, the rate is sub-
antially lower for tonsillectomies, " fe-
ale surgeries, " appendectomies, and
ill bladder surgery (38).
Some authors suggest that one reason
spitalization is lower at Kaiser than
th other plans is because more proce-
res are handled on an out patient -
basis.
wever, studies show Kaiser's rate of
bulatory utilization does not differ
atly from the rate in other plans (39).
its
On the average, Kaiser members do pay
for the same benefits than members
other health insurance plans (40). Al-
igh premiums for Kaiser are often
ter than for other plans, this is more
. offset by smaller out pocket - of -
inses.
t families with incomes under $ 11,000
}
higher out pocket - of -
expenditures
therefore greater total expenses than
ies with incomes over $ 11,000.
reas " higher income " families (over
00) have an average $ 49 out - of-
et expenditure, " lower income " fam-
average $ 112. This suggests that
income families seek more care out-
of Kaiser because of dissatisfaction
ause they haven't learned to use the
system (41).
Although Kaiser is generally cheaper
than other health insurance plans, it cer-
tainly is not the answer to inflation.
Kaiser's costs have inflated faster than the
national average (the Consumer Price
Index for Medical Care or " CPI "). For the
ten year period 1960-70, the average med-
ical care costs at Kaiser (premium and
supplemental charges) increased approxi-
mately twice as fast as the national aver-
age (CPI). Yearly comparisons for this pe-
riod show that Kaiser's costs increased
more rapidly than the CPI in every year
except 1964 and 1965 42 (). Were all med-
ical care delivered through Kaiser - like
plans, health care costs would continue
their inflationary spiral.
Cost Reduction and Patient Control
In this society, medical services are like
other commodities whose sale reaps
profits. Producers / providers at once control
the supply and create the demand for the
product. Unnecessary goods such as too
many specialists, drugs and surgery are
foisted upon people while actual needs
may go unmet. It is within this context
that Kaiser's costs and utilization data
must be considered.
In prepaid group practices such as
Kaiser, the traditional financial incentives
are reversed so that profit or savings
for physicians and hospitals alike can be
achieved through minimizing, rather than
maximizing, utilization of services. Given
that there is unnecessary hospitalization
and excessive surgery in " mainstream "
medicine, Kaiser's lower hospital utiliza-
tion and surgery rates are commendable.
How does Kaiser achieve its lower utiliza-
tion rates?
The National Advisory Commission on
Health Manpower, for example, rejects
poor medical care, denial of services or
relatively good health of members as ex-
planations of Kaiser's cost savings -
. The
Commission also rejects as explanations
both innovations in the practice of med-
icine and economies of scale. They con-
clude that pressuring the physicians to be
cost conscious -
and " avoiding waste " re-
sult in savings.
If the Commission is correct and control
of physicians is a major source of the
economies of Kaiser, several Kaiser doc-
tors indicate that the methods and degree
of pressure have an ultimately deleterious
effect on the quality of care because of
their negative effects on the physician
(see quality of care section).
17
Furthermore, contrary to the Commis-
sion's conclusions, it appears there are
systematic mechanisms in the Kaiser sys-
tem other than pressure on physicians
which discourage utilization. Roemer and
his colleagues discussed the deterring ef-
fects of barriers created by the system's
bureaucracy. And as a Comprehensive
Health Planning official said, " Kaiser uses
several recognized methods for deterring
utilization: copayments, long telephone
waits, inadequate waiting room size, shut-
ting down hours of operation, requiring a
series of tasks to obtain a prescription,
and long waits for lab results. " (43)
In terms of costs to members, Kaiser
could economize in two ways. One is to
reduce the " profits, " for example, by slow-
ing expansion and eliminating the physi-
cians'huge bonuses. The other is to re-
duce the delivery of services. Kaiser is
traveling the second route, one which can
be followed only so far before quality of
care is jeopardized. As a private business,
K - P will never take the first route.
Whether corporate HMO's develop in a
significant way will depend on whether
profits are made. If Kaiser is any indica-
tion, the profits will be substantial. How-
ever, problems in the delivery of health.
care will remain. Others, such as over-
hospitalization and excessive surgery
may risk over correction -
. With incentives
for the extreme it is not unlikely for many
people to go un hospitalized -
who should
be in hospitals.
As seekers of health care, we will con-
tinue to pay the costs: monetary, phys-
ical and psychological. Budding HMO's
will fight - out their survival in the arena of
competition and the small weaker ones
will fail because of the huge initial capi-
tal investments. Ultimately health care
will be delivered full force into the age of
corporate capitalism.
-Judy Carnoy, Lee Coffee and
Linda Koo. Lee and Linda were
summer interns at the San Fran-
cisco office.
References
1. 1. The Big Foundations, Waldemar Nielsen, 20th Cen-
t2u4r5-y46 .F
und Study, Columbia University, 1973. pages
2. Kaiser Wakes the Doctors, Paul de Kruiff, 1948.
3. Chicago Sun, June 20, 1945.
4. The Kaiser Permanente -
Medical Care
Program, A
Symposium, Anne R. Somers, editor, The Common-
wealth Fund, New York, 1971, page 13.
5. Washington Post, November 25, 1971.
6. DMS Market Intelligence Reports.
7. Wall Street Journal, January 5, 1972.
8. Nielsen, op cit., page 247.
9. Ibid., page 248.
10. See section 37.59 Kaiser Hospital General Specifica-
tions, City Hall, Redwood City, California, February
15, 1966.
11. The Case For American Medicine, Harry Schwartz,
1972, page 174.
12. Somers, op cit., page 42.
13. Ibid., page 38.
14. Ibid., page 42.
15. Ibid., pages 138-148.
16. Health Insurance Effects, Roemer, Hetherington, Hop-
kins, Gerst, Parson and Long, School of Public Health,
The University of Michigan, 1972.
17. " Social Class Differences in Utilization of Pediatric
Services in a Prepaid Direct Service Medical Care Pro-
gram, " Nolan, Schwartz, Simonian, American Journal
of Public Health, January, 1967.
18. Feelings About the Kaiser Foundation Health Plan on
the Part of Northern California Carpenters and Their
Families, April 5, 1973, CCHPA, 1870 Ogden Drive.
Burlingame, Cal., 94010.
19. Somers, op cit., page 16.
20. Permanente Kaiser -
Health Plan, Why It Works, Greer
Williams, The Henry J. Kaiser Foundation, Oakland,
Cal., 1971, page 38.
21. Nolan, et al, op. cit., page 48.
22. Williams, op. cit., page 40.
23. Roemer, et al, op cit., page 45.
24. Ibid., page 32.
25. Nolan, et al, op cit., pages 38-40.
26. Ibid., page 45.
27. Williams, op cit., page 48.
28. " An Evaluation of Prepaid Group Practice. " Avedis
Donabedian, Inquiry, Vol. VI, Number 3, pages 1-15.
29. Nolan, et al, op cit., page 42.
30. Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Health of the
Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, United
States Senate, Part 4, page 1484.
31. Somers, op cit., page 91.
32. Personal Communication.
33. Roemer, et al, op cit.
34. The Federal Employees Health Benefits Program,
1971, studies utilization from 1961-68 in four different
types of health insurance plans which were offered
Federal employees and their families across the na-
tion. The four types are group practice (seven plans,
four of them are Kaiser), the Blues, commercial
plans, and what they call individual - practice plans,
such as the San Joaquin Foundation for Medical Care.
35. The Report of the Medical and Hospital Advisory
Council to the Board of Administration of the Cali-
fornia State Employee's Retirement System (The
Sacramento Study), presents data gathered for 1962-
63 from California state employees who were mem-
bers of the same four different types of health insur-
ance plans as in the Federal study.
36. Family Medical Care Under Three Types of Health
Insurance, Columbia University, 1962, compares the
1958 experiences of members of Kaiser in northern
California, New Jersey Blue Cross - Blue Shield, and
a commercial plan, General Electric, in the Midwest.
A major drawback of this study is that the data are
now 15 years old.
37. Footnotes 33, 34, 35.
38. The Columbia study found a similarly low rate for
tonsillectomies at Kaiser, but found no differences in
adult surgery rates.
39. Roemer, et al, op cit., pages 27-34.
40. Footnotes 33,34, 35.
41. Roemer, et al, op cit., page 45.
42. Financial Study of the Kaiser Medical Care Program,
Working Paper Number 12, Robert A. Vradiu, David B.
Starkweather, and Alfred W. Childs, University of
California, Berkeley, Unpublished manuscript.
43. 43. Personal communication.
INDEX (Dec. 30, 1973)
A
Abortion - Dec. '69, p.12; Mar. '70; Nov. '70, p.14;
Dec. '70, p.9: Feb. '73, pp. 10-11.
Addiction Services Agency -- June '70, p.9.
Affiliations June '68; Aug. '68, p.5: Nov. - Dec. '68.
p.14; Winter '69; Jul Aug.., '69, p.12; Apr. '69;
Dec. '71; Sept. '73 (Montefiore - Prisons): Oct. '73
(Bellevue NYU -).
Air Pollution - Oct. '70, p.10.
18
American Assn. of Foundations of Medical Care ---
Feb. '73, p.8.
American Assn. of Inhalation Therapists - Nov. '72,
pp.4-5.
American Association of Medical Colleges L Jul. - Aug.
'69, p.4.
American Conf. of Gov't. and Industrial Hygienists-
Sept. '72.
American Hospital Assn. - Nov. '72, pp.7-9.
American Medical Assn. - Nov. '72, pp.3-4, 10-15.
American Natl. Standards Institute Sept. '72.
American Nurses Assn. - Nov. '72, pp. 8,11.
:
Asbestosis Mar. '73.
Assn. for Retarded Children - Jan. '73.
Attica Prison - Nov. '71; Sept. '73, pp.14-15 (Prison
Health).
B
Feldstein, Martin - May '73, p.17.
Fordham Hospital - Nov. - Dec. '68, p.13; Jul Aug. -. '69,
p.9.
Free Health Clinics - Apr. '71, p.6; Oct. '71; Feb. '72.
G
Bellevue Hospital - Sept. '73 (Prison ward); Oct. '73.
Beryllium Poisoning - Sept. '72, p.13.
Ghetto Medicine Bill Jan -. '70, p.11; Apr. '70, p.13;
Jul Aug.. '72.
Beth Israel Hospital - Jul. '68, p.2; July Aug -. '69, p.10;
Sept. '69, p.13; Apr. '70, p.14; Oct. '70, p.3; Jul.-
Aug. '72.
Beverly Enterprises - Apr. '73, p.8.
Biomedical Research - May '73.
Group Health Insurance (NY) -Oct. '72.
Group Practice -- Nov. '70, p.9; June '71, p.8.
Gouveneur Hospital - Jul. '68, p.2; Jul Aug. -. '69, p.10;
Nov. '69, p.10; Feb. '70, p.8.
Birth Control - Apr. '72.
H
1
Birth Control Pills - Mar. '70, p.10; Apr. '72.
Black Lung Disease - Sept. '71.
Blue Cross Jul. - Aug. '69, p.11; Sept. '69; Oct. '69,
p.10; Mar. '71, p.1; Jul Aug. -. '72; Oct. '72, pp.19-
20, 23.
Boston City Hospital - Jul - Aug. '70, p.15; Oct. '73.
Boston University Medical Center - Oct. '73.
Brian, Earl Apr. '73, p.16.
Brindle, James - Oct. '72, p.17.
Buffalo Medical School - Nov. '71.
Bureau of Occupational Safety and Health -- Sept. '72.
Byssinosis Sept. '72, pp.20-23.
Haight Ashbury -
Free Clinic - Oct. '71; Feb. '72.
Harlem Hospital - Jul. '68, p.4; Nov. - Dec. '68, p.9;
June '69, p.12; Dec. '70, p.6.
Harlem Medical School Proposal - Oct. '72, pp.7-9.
Harrington, Donald - Feb. '73, p.4.
Harvard Medical School - Jan. '71, p.2.
HEW Mar. '71, p.10; May '73.
Health and Hospitals Corporation - Winter '69, pp.1-4;
June '69, p.12; Sept. '69, p.7: Nov. '69, p.10; Jan.
'71, p.9; Dec. '71; Feb. '72; May '72.
Health and Hospitals Planning Council - June '68;
Winter '69; Jul Aug. -. '69: Sept. '69, p.4; Apr. '71,
C
p.5; May '72, p.5; May '73.
California Public Hospitals Apr. '73.
Carnegie Foundation - Nov. '71.
Case Western Reserve Med. School -- Jan. '70, p.12;
Sept. '71.
Center for the Prevention of Violence - Sept. '73.
Certified Hospital Admission Program - Feb. '73, p.7.
Cherkasky, Dr. Martin - Apr. '69.
Chicago Health Movement - Apr. '71, p.6.
Children's Hospital, Boston - Mar. '72.
Chinese Health System - Dec. '72.
Cincinnati People's Health Movement - Sept. '71.
City University of NY Proposal (Med. School) -Oct.
'72, pp.11-13.
Citywide Save Homes - Our -
Committee (NY) -May '72,
pp.4-7.
Health Inc., Boston - Mar. '72.
Health Insurance Plan of Greater NY Oct --. '72,
pp.15-22; Dec. '72.
Health Maintenance Organizations (HMO's) -Nov.
'70; Apr. 71, p.1; Dec. '71; Jul Aug -. '72; Oct. '72,
pp 15-22.
(HIP); Feb. '73 (Foundations); Nov. '73
(Kaiser).
Health Planning (see Health and Hosp. Planning
Council June -
'68; Winter '69; Jul Aug. -. '69; Apr.
'71, p.5; May '72, p.5.
Health Professions Educational Assistance - Nov. '71;
May '73, p.10.
Health Revolutionary Unity Movement (HRUM) -Feb.
'70, p.9; Jul Aug. -. '70, p.12; Sept. '70, p.13; Oct. '70,
p.1: Dec. '70, p.9; June '71, p.10; Jan. '72; Jul Aug. -.
'72.
Cleveland Health System Sept. '71.
Coler Hospital - Oct. '69, p.2.
Columbia Medical Center Jul. '68; Aug. '68; Nov.-
Dec. '68; Jul Aug. -. '69, p.10; Sept. '69. p.ll; Dec.
'69; Feb. '70; Oct. '70, p.9: Dec. '70, p.6; Mar. '71,
p.9.
Columbia Hospital - Nov. '71.
Columbus Hospital (Nov NY) --. '71, pp.10-12; May
'72, p.6; Oct. '72, p. 24.
Committee of Interns and Residents-- Aug. '68; Sept.
'69, p.15.
Community Control - Oct. '68; Nov. - Dec. '69, pp.1.5;
Jan. '72; June '72.
Health Services Administration - Jul. '68, p.1; Sept.
'68, p.1; Sept. '69, p.8; Nov. '69, p.11; Jan. '70, p.10;
May '72; Sept. '73 (Prisons).
Burton Hill -
May '72, p.1; Jul Aug. -. '72; May '73, p.8.
Hilton Davis Co. (strike) -Sept. '71, p.5.
Hospital Costs -- Jan. '70, p.7; Nov. '70, p.4; June '71;
May '72, p.3: Jul Aug. -. '72.
Hospital Expansion - Nov. '71; Mar. '72; May '72.
Hospital Worker Unions - Jul. - Aug. '70; Sept. '70, p.16;
June '71, p.6; Sept. '71; Oct. '72, pp.9,23; Nov. '72,
p.6.
I
Community Medical School Proposal (Lincoln) -Oct.
'72, pp.10-11.
Community Mental Health - Aug. '68, p.4; Apr. '69,
p.13; May '69 (Lincoln); Dec. '69.
Community Mental Health Board (Dept. of Mental
Health) May -- '69: Dec. '69.
Industrial Health Foundation - Sept. '72.
Industrial Medical Association -- Sept. '72.
Institutional Licensure - Nov. '72, pp. 7-8.
Insurance Companies - Nov. '69, p.6; Jul Aug. -. '72.
Irvington House - Mar. '71, p.4.
I Wor Kuen - Oct. '70, p.4.
Community Mental Health Centers - May '73. p.9.
Coney Island Hospital- May '72, p.8.
Consultants -- Oct. '70, p.11.
J
Johns Manville Corp. - Mar. '73.
Cook County Hospital- Apr. 73, p.7.
Joint Committee on Accreditation of Hospitals (JCAH)
Cornell / New York Hospital -- Sept. '69, p.11.
D
- Feb. '72; Apr. '73.
Judson Mobile Unit Nov -. '69, p.ll.
K
Davis Medical School (Univ. of Calif.) - Apr. '73,
pp. 10.11.
Delafield Hospital -- Nov. - Dec. '68, p.8; May '72, p.8.
Kaiser Permanente - Nov. '70, p.12; Nov. '73.
Key, Dr. Marcus - Sept. '72, p.13.
Downstate Medical Center - Sept. '69, p.13; Oct. '70,
King General Hospital - Apr. '73, p.6.
p.8.
Knickerbocker Hospital - Nov. - Dec. '68, p.8; Oct. '72,
E
pp.7-9.
L
Einstein Montefio-r Aep r-.
'69; Sept. '69, p.9; Sept. '70,
p.12; Oct. '70 p.l; Jan. '71, p.6; Nov. '71; May '73
Lead Poisoning - Sept. '68, p.2; Apr. '70, p.13; Jan.
(Einstein); Sept. '73 (Montefiore - Prisons).
Ellwood, Dr. Paul -- Jul - Aug. '72.
'71, p.8.
Licensure Nov. '72, pp. 3-9.
F
Lincoln Hospital - Apr. '69; Sept. '70, p.12; Oct. '70,
p.l: Dec. '70, p.9; Jan. '71, p.6; Jan. '72; Jul Aug. -.
Federal Health Policy - Nov. '70; Apr. '71, p.1; May
172.
'73.
Lincoln Community Mental Health Center - May '69;
Federation of Jewish Philanthropies - Apr. '69, p.9.
Sept. '69, p.10.
19
Logan, Dr. Arthur - Oct. 72, pp.7-9.
Lower East Side Neighborhood Health Council-
South (LESNHCS) -Jul. '68: Jul Aug. -. '69; Sept.
Physician's Assistants - Nov. " 72, pp.10-16.
Piel Commission Report - June '68, p.4; Winter '69.
p.7.
'69, p.14; Feb. '70, p.8: Apr. '70, p.14; Jul Aug. -. '70,
p.12; Oct. '70, p.4.
M
Planners Jul. - Aug. '68, p.8.
Prepaid Health Plans (-Feb PHP's)
. '73, p.14, Apr.
'73, p.18.
Madera County Hospital - Apr '73, p.6.
Maimonides Community Mental Health Center - May
'68, p.8.
Martin Luther King Health Center - Oct. '69, p.3.
Maternal and Child Care - May '73, p.10.
Maximum Liability Health Insurance -- May '73, p.17.
Prisons -- May '70; Nov. '71; Sept. '73.
Professional Standards Review Organizations
(PSRO's) -Feb. '73, p.12.
Psychiatry - May '69, p.12; May '70.
Public Health Hospitals - Mar. '71, p.8.
Q
Medicaid Winter '69; June '69; Sept. '69, p.6: Jul.-
Aug. '72; Oct. '72, p.16; Feb. '73, p.10 (Medi - Cal);
Apr. 73 (Medi - Cal); May '73.
Queens Medical School Proposal - Oct. 72, pp.6-7.
R
Medicaid Mills - Jul. - Aug. '72.
Medical Empires - Nov. - Dec. '68; Apr. '69; Sept. '69,
p.9; Oct. 70; Apr. '73 (Calif.).
Regional Medical Programs - Jul. - Aug. '69, pp.1.3;
May '73, p.9.
Research Guide - Feb. '71.
Medical Industrial Complex - Nov. '69.
Medical Imperialism - Apr. '70, p.8.
Medical School Income -Nov. '71, p.5.
Medical School Proposals (NYC) -Oct. 72.
Medicare June '69, p.8; Nov. '69, p.7; Jul Aug. -. '72;
S
Sacramento County Hospital - Apr. '73, p.9.
Sacramento Foundation for Medical Care - Feb. '73,
p.7.
May '73.
Sacramento Medical Center - Apr. '73, pp.10-11.
MEGA - May '73, p.14.
Mental Retardation - Jan. '73.
San Francisco General Hospital - Jul. - Aug. '70, p.17;
Mar. 71, p.7: Feb. '72; Feb. '73, p.15; Apr. '73, pp.
Merced County Hospital - Apr. '73, p.8.
20-24; Sept. '73 (Prison ward).
Methadone June '70, pp.9.15.
Methodist Hospital - Apr. 172.
Metropolitan Hospital - Feb. '70.
San Joaquin Foundation for Medical Care Feb. '73,
p.4.
Seaview Hospital - May '72, p.11.
Michelson, William - Oct. '72, pp.19-21.
Selikoff, Dr. Irving - Sept. '72, p.14: Mar. '73, p.3.
Military Medicine - Apr. '70; June '71, p.4.
Morrisania Hospital - Apr. '69; May '72, p.8.
Mt. Sinai Medical Center -- Oct. '70, p.7.
Shell Chemical Co. (No Pest Strip) -Sept. '71, p.5.
Siskiyou County Hospital - Apr. '73, p.9.
Smith, David - Oct. '71; Feb. '72.
Moore, Dr. Cyril - Oct. 72, p.11.
Social Workers - Sept. '70, p.11.
MOTF (Mayor's Organizational Task Force on CHP)
Soundview - Throgs Neck Tremont -
Comm. Mental Health
-Apr. '71, p.5.
Center - May '69, p.8.
Municipal Hospital System (Cutbacks: NYC -Win-)
Stahl, Dr. William - Oct. '72. pp.11-13.
ter '69; June '69.
Staten Island - Mar. '71, p.8.
N
Sterling Drug Co. Sept -. '71, p.5.
;
Student AMA - Mar. '70, p.14; Sept. '70, p.2.
National Free Clinic Council - Oct. '71; Feb. '72.
Student Health Organization (SHO -Aug)
. '68, p.3;
:
National Medical Enterprises - Apr. '73, p.8.
Mar. '70, p.14; Sept. '70, p.4.
National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health
St. Joseph's Mercy Hospital (Ann Arbor) -Oct. '72,
- Sept. '72; Mar. '73.
p.14.
National Safety Council - Sept. '72.
St. Vincent's Hospital - Jan. '70, p.12; Mar. " 71, p.6;
Narcotics June '70; Dec. '70, pp.6,9; Jan. '72, pp.8.9.
Jul Aug.. '72.
National Health Corps -Apr. '70, p.9.
Sydenham Hospital - Nov. - Dec. '68, p.8.
National Health Insurance - June '69, p.7; Jan. '70;
May '73, p.19.
T
National Institutes of Health (-May NIH)
'73, p.11.
Neighborhood Health Center - June '72; May '73, p.10.
NENA (Northeast Neighborhood Assn.) - Jul. '68, p.1;
Aug. '68, p.13; Oct. '70, p.4; June '72.
New York City Prisons Sept. 173.
New York Infirmary - June '72, p.4.
New York Medical College -- May '69, p.9 (Commun-
ity Mental Health Ctr.); Sept. '69, p.12; Oct. '70, p.6.
New York Times Feb. '70, p.ll; May '70, p.13.
New York University Medical Center- Sept. '69, p.13;
Apr. 70, p.7 (Bennett); Oct. '70, p.3; Mar. 71 ", p.4;
Taxes - June '71.
Therapeutic Communities - June '70, pp.9.15.
Think LincolnSe p-t
. '70, p.13; Oct. '70, p.1; Jan. '71,
p.6.
Thursday Noon Committee Feb. '72; Apr. 173.
Tunnel Workers - Oct. '70, p.10.
Trussell. Dr. Ray Nov. - - Dec. '68, p.10; Apr. '70, p.14;
Jul Aug.. '72.
U
UCLA Medical Center - Jul - Aug. '70, p.16; Sept. " 73.
June 72, p.4; Sept. '73 (Prison ward); Oct. '73.
Nixon, Richard Nov. '70; Apr. 71, p.1; May '73.
North Central Bronx Hospital -- May '72, p.8.
United Harlem Drug Fighters - Oct. '70, p.ll; Dec.
'70, p.6.
V
Nursing Mar. '70; Sept. '71, p.1: Apr. '72; Sept. '72
(letter); Nov. '72, p.16.
Nursing Homes - Nov. '69, p.7.
oO
Valley Medical Center - Apr. '73, p.6.
Vanderbilt Clinic - May '70, p.7.
Veterans Administration Hospitals - Apr. '70, p.5;
May '71, p.9.
Occupational Health - Feb. '70, p.5 (GE); May '71,
p.6; Sept. 71, p.5: Sept. '72; Mar. '73.
Occupational Safety and Health Act Sept -. '72, pp.
Vietnam May '71; Oct. '72, p.24.
Voluntary Hospitals - Oct. '69, p.9 (Cutbacks).
W
15-19.
Occupational Safety and Health AdministrationL
Sept. '72.
Office of Management and Budget (OMB) -- May '73,
p. 15.
Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union - Oct. 72,
p.23.
P
Walsh - Healy Act Sept -. 72, p.15.
Washington Heights - Inwood Community Mental Health
Center Nov. - Dec. '68, p.9; Apr. '69, p.10; Dec. '69.
Weinberger, Caspar - May '73, p.15.
Wesley Hospital (Chicago) -Jul - Aug. '70, p.16.
Willowbrook State School - Jan. '73.
Women's Health - Mar. '70; Apr. '72; Dec. '72.
Patients'Rights - Oct. '69.
Peace Movement - May '71, p.6.
Pediatric Collective - Oct. '70; Jan. '71, p.6; Jan. '72.
Peer Review - Feb. '73, p.5.
Y
Yolo General Hospital - Apr. '73, p.6.
Young Lords - Oct. '69, p.4; Feb. '70, p.9; Sept. '70,
p.13; Oct. '70, p.1; Dec. '70, p.9; Jan. '72.
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